¹In English thus: The nobles of this realm following the Princes and Captains above named: by the reason thereof the vulgar and rascal sort remained behind at home. Who when they had gotten the rooms and places of the nobles, they advanced them selves above that their dignity required. And through their abundance of riches, they surprised with pride, began to fall into such & so great fornication, as was never heard of even among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Historiographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into all manner of wickedness, whereto mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the overthrow of all good estates, the hatred of the truth, love of lies, embracing of evil in stead of goodness, regarding of mischief in stead of virtue, receiving of the devil in stead of an Angel of light. They anointed kings not such as could well rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceived to be somewhat more humble or meek, or to be more inclined to favour the trueth then the residue, him did every one hate and backbite as the overthrower and destroyer of Britain. All things whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alike. And not secular men only did this. but also the congregation of the Lord and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marvelled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kind should lose that country, which they had after this manner defiled.

¹In English thus: The nobles of this realme folowing the Princes and Captaines aboue named: by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascall sorte remained behinde at home. Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles, they aduanced them selues aboue that their dignitie required. And through their aboundāce of riches, they surprised wyth pride, began to fal into such & so great fornication, as was neuer heard of euen among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into al maner of wickednes, wherto mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the ouerthrow of al good estates, the hatred of the truth, loue of lies, imbracing of euil in stead of goodnesse, regardyng of mischiefe in stead of vertue, receauing of the deuill in stead of an Angell of light. They annoynted kings not such as could wel rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceaued to be somewhat more humble or meeke, or to be more inclined to fauour the trueth then the residue, him did euery one hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and destroyer of Brittayne. All thinges whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alyke. And not secular men onely did this. but also the congregation of the Lorde and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marueiled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kinde should lose that countrey, which they had after this maner defiled.

1. 1In English thus.

And thus much hitherto concerning the history of the Britons, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shall bring us hereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Now remaineth, in returning again to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table above we have summarily comprehended.

And thus much hetherto concerning the history of the Britaines, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shal bring vs heereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Nowe remaineth, in returning againe to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table aboue we haue sommarely comprehended.

In this order and race of the Saxon kings, above specified which had thus thrust out the Britons, & now divided their land in seven kingdoms: as there were many naughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on war and bloodshed, are greatly to be detested and eschewed of all true godly Princes) so some there were again (although but few) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slain in war, or murdered in peace, or else constrained to make him self a monk. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we should impute it to the corruption of mans nature, or to the just judgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not only vexed of the Danes, and conquered at last by the Normans: but also more cruelly devoured them selves, one warring still against an other, till they were neither able to help themselves, nor yet to resist others. Of them which are noted for good among these Saxon kings,¹ the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent above specified, who by the means of Austen, and partly through his wife, named Berda, first received and preferred the Christian faith, in all this land of the English Saxons, whereof more followeth hereafter to be said (the Lord so permitting) as place and opportunity shall require. The next place I give to Oswaldus of Northumberland, who not only did his endeavour in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himself to stand up and interpret to his nobles & subjects the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same commendation also, like as in the same line, cometh his uncle Edwin, king of Northumberland, a good Prince, and the first receiver of Christs faith in that land, by the means of his wife, and Paulinus Bishop. Add to these also Sigebert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whom the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter up of schools: the other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was nephew to Ethelbert of Kent, under whom he ruled in Essex.

In this order and rase of the Saxon kings, aboue specified which had thus thrust out the Britones, & now deuided their land in seuen kingdomes: as there were many noughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on warre and bloudshed, are greatly to be detested and eschued of all true godly Princes) so some there were againe (although but fewe) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slaine in warre, or murdered in peace, or els constrained to make him selfe a monke. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we shuld impute it to the corruption of mans nature, or to the iust iudgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not onely vexed of the Danes, and cōquered at last by the Normās: but also more cruelly deuoured them selues, one warring still agaynst an other, till they were neyther able to helpe themselues, nor yet to resist others. Of thē which are noted for good among these Saxon kings,

In the Catalogue of these good kings is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:¹ of the which ij. the first was falsely & abominably circumvented & beheaded, by the means of his cruel sister and his tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other which is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slain at Bury, or as some write at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: upon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings blood, & being with his Hawk on the sea side in a little boat, was driven by force of weather into the coast of Norfolk, where he being presented to king Edmund, was retained in his Court with great favour: till at length one Bericke the kings Falconer, envying and despiting him, for his great dexterity in that faculty, privily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boat alone without all tackling, to be committed unto the Sea: and as it chanced so, was driven into Denmark, who there being seen in Lothbrockes boat, was straitly examined of the party. He then to excuse himself, falsely said he was slain by the commandment of the king. Upon the occasion whereof Inguar and Hubba sons to the said Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, invaded first Northumberland: after that bursting into Norfolk on every side, sent this message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dread both by sea and land) as he had subject divers other lands under him,² so arriving now to the coasts of Norfolk, where he intē death to winter: chargeth and commandeth him to divide with him his old treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule under him: which if he would not do, but would contemn his power so strongly furnished with such an army, he should be judged as unworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonished thereat, calling his counsel about him, consulted with them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretary, what was best to be done: who fearing the kings life, exhorted him by words & divers examples to agree to the message.

In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:

At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made answer again in these words, saying: Go (saith he) tell your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the love of this temporal life, will not subject him self to a Pagan Duke, unless before he become a Christian, &c. The messenger taking his answer was not so soon out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring his answer, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetford, there pitched a field with the Danes, but the Danes prevailing,¹ the good king from thence did fly to the Castle of Halesdon above mentioned: where he being pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bound to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes, saying: Go (saith he) tel your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the loue of this temporal life, wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke, vnles before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys answere, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitcht a field with the Danes, but the Danes preuailing,¹ the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned: where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bounde to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

1. 1The martyrdom of K. Edmund in Norfolk.The martirdome of K. Edmund in Northfolke.

Now as concerning those kings which made them selves Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & strange,¹ and much commended of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their commendation, albeit the case thereof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find more ease, and less trouble thereby: I see not how that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to change his public vocation, for respect of private commodity. If fear of jeopardy & danger did drive them thereunto: what praise and commendation they deserve, in so doing let the monkish histories judge what they list: me seemeth so much praise as they deserve in providing their own safety, so much they deserve again to be discō mended in forsaking the common wealth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holiness sake, thinking in that kind of life to serve and please God better: or to merit more toward their salvation then in the estate of a king, therein they were far deceived: not knowing tha• the salvation which cometh of God, is to be measured & esteemed, not by mans merits, or by any perfection of life or by difference of any vocation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospel, which freely justifieth all them, that faithfully believe in Christ Jesus. But here will be said again peradventure, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of evils, then in kings courts, wherefore that life serveth more to holiness,² & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasions of evil is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwise, where duty & charge bindeth to tarry, there to avoid the occasions of evil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakness of the man, than deserveth any praise. As it is truly said of Tully: Out of Asia, saith he, to live, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasions of evils abound, there to live a good man that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to change the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keep his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hitherto sufficient.

Now as concerning those kinges which made them selues Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & straung,

¹These things now thus premised, concerning the order & reign of kings, as is above prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such things, as in the time and reign of the foresaid kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader again in mind of the former persecutions within the realm, partly before touched in the time of the Britain kings, which specially were three or four before the coming of Austen into England.

¹These things now thus premised, concerning the order & raigne of kinges, as is aboue prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such thinges, as in the time and raigne of the foresaide kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader againe in minde of the former persecutions within the realme, partly before touched in the time of the Britaine kinges, which speciallye were three or foure before the commyng of Austen into Englande.

1. 1Four persecutions in Brittany before the coming of Austen into England. The persecution of Diocletian about the year of our Lord. 210. The persecution of Gnavius and Melga. The persecution of Hengist in Britain. The fourth destruction of Christen faith in Britain by Gurmū dus. an 595. This Gurmundus as some stories record, leaving his kingdom at home to his brother said he would possess no kingdom, but which he should win with his swordFoure persecutions in Brittany before the comming of Austen into England. The persecution of Dioclesian about the yeare of our Lord. 210. The persecution of Gnauius and Melga. The persecution of Hengist in Brittayne. The fourth destruction of Christen fayth in Brittayne by Gurmū dus. an 595. This Gurmundus as some stories record, leauing hys kingdome at home to hys brother sayd he would possesse no kingdome, but which he should win with his sword

1, The first was under Diocletian, and that not only in England but generally throughout all the Romaine Monarchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Albanus Julius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britons, were martyred for Christs name.

1, The first was vnder Dioclesian, and that not onely in England but generally throughout al the Romaine Monarchie, as is aboue specified. In this persecution Albanus Iulius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britanes, were martyred for Christes name.

2. The second persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the invading of Gnavius and Melga, whereof, the first was captain of the Huns, the other of the Picts. These two tyrants, after the cruel slaughter of Ursula, and other. 11000 noble virgins, made their rode into Britain hearing the same to be destitute of the strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christs Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.

2. The seconde persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the inuading of Gnauius and Melga, whereof, the first was captaine of the Hunnes, the other of ye Pictes. These two tyrauntes, after the cruell slaughter of Vrsula, and other. 11000 noble virgines, made their rode into Brytaine hearyng the same to be destitute of ye strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christes Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.

3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxons: who likewise destroyed and wasted the christen congregations within the land, like raging Wolves fleeing upon the sheep, & spilling the blood of Christians, till Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored again the Churches destroyed.

3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxones: who likewise destroied and wasted the christen congregations within the lande, like raging Wolues fleeyng vpon the sheepe, & spilling the bloud of Christians, til Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored againe the Churches destroyed.

4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africans: who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much grievance to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Bishop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of York, with the rest of the people so many as were left, having no place wherein to remain with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountains of Wales about the year of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.

4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who ioyning in league with the Saxons, wrought much greuaunce to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Byshop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of Yorke, with the rest of the people so many as were left, hauing no place wherin to remaine with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountaines of Wales about the yere of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.

In the reign of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the means of Gregory bishop of Rome, in manner and order as here followeth, out of old histories collected and recorded.

In the raigne of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first receaued of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the meanes of Gregory bishop of Rome, in maner and order as here foloweth, out of old histories collected and recorded.

First then to join the order of our history together: The Christen faith first received of king Lucius, endured in Britain till this time, near upon the season of CCCC. years and odd: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is said) fighting with the Saxons against the Britons, it was near extinct in all the land, during the space about forty four years.¹ So that the first springing of Christs Gospel in this land, was an. 180. The coming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The coming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entering in of the Saxons to their complete conquest, and the driving out of the Britons (which was about the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. years.² In sum from Christ to Lucius were, 180. years. The continuance of the gospel from Lucius to the entering of the Saxons was 302. years. The decay of the same to the entering of Austen, was. 143. years which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. years. In this year then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion whereupon Gregory sent him hither was this.

First then to ioyne the order of our history together: The Christē faith first receiued of king Lucius, endured in Britaine till this time, neare vpon the season of CCCC. yeares and odde: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is saide) fyghting wyth the Saxons against the Brytaynes, it was neare extinct in all the land, duryng the space about fortie foure yeares.¹ So that the first springing of Christes Gospell in thys lande, was an. 180. The comming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The comming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entring in of the Saxons to their complet conquest, and the driuing out of the Brytanes (which was aboute the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. yeares.² In summe from Christ to Lucius were, 180. yeares. The continuaunce of the gospel frō Lucius to the entring of the Saxons was 302. yeares. The decay of the same to the entring of Austen, was. 143. yeares which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. yeares. In this yeare then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion wherupon Gregory sent him hether was this.

In the days of Pelagius Bishop of Rome,¹ Gregory chancing to see certain children in the market place of Rome (brought thither to be sold out of England) being fair and beautiful of visage,² demanded out of what country they were: and understanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of the land being so beautiful and Angelical, so to be subject under the Prince of darkness. And asking moreover out of what province they were it was answered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsaxons: whereof as it is to be thought, that which we now call Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be delivered de Deiira, which is from Gods wrath, Moreover understanding the kings name of that province to be All (above mentioned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the living God.³ Whereupon being moved and desirous to go and help the conversion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romans for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterward being Bishop himself next after Pelagius, he sent thither the foresaid Austen with other preachers near about to the number of xl. But by the way, how it happened I cannot say: As Austen with his company were passing in their journey, such a sudden fear entered in their harts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other write that Austen was sent back to Gregory again, to release them of that voyage so dangerous and uncertain, amongst such a barbarous people: whose language neither they knew, nor whose rudeness they were able to resist. Then Gregory with pithy persuasions confirming and comforting him, sent him again with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to help and aide the said Austen, ⁴and his company in all whatsoever his need required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine, unto his fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenor of the said Epistle here following may appear.

In the daies of Pelagius Byshop of Rome,¹

Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,¹ seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In English. Gregory the servant of Gods servants, to the servants of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hand, then after they be begun, to think to revolt back from the same again therefore now you may not nor cannot (dear children) but with all fervent study and labour, must needs go forward in that good business, which through the help of God you have well begun. Neither let the labour of your journey, nor the slanderous tongues of men appal you, but that with all instance and fervency ye proceed, and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand: knowing that your great travel shall be recompensed with reward of greater glory hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austen to you again, whom also we have ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your souls, whatsoever at his admonition ye shall do. Almighty God with his grace defend you and grant me to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labour, that although I can not labour as I would with you,² yet I may be found partaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same fellowship with you together. The Lord God keep you safe, most dear and well-beloved children. Dated the x before the Calends ⟨p. 116⟩of August, in the reign of our sovereign Lord Mauritius most virtuous Emperor, the .xiiij. of his Empire.

Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,¹ seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In Englishe. Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts, to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande, then after they be begon, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot (deare children) but with all feruent study and labor, must needes go forward in that good busines, which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne. Neither let the labor of your iourney, nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you, but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede, and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande: knowing that your great trauell shalbe recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come. Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe, whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules, whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe. Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour, that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you,