A67926:4206
Acts and monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperors, as now lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland. Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the help of Christ our Lord) John Fox, which desireth thee good reader to help him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
London: printed by John Daye, 1583London: printed by Iohn Daye, 1583
No title page in the transcription: set from the catalogue record.
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
Here by the way, for the more direction to the story, thou hast loving Reader, to note and understand that in those days there were ij. sundry Bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing divers titles, and printed in divers places. The first was called Thomas Mathews Bible, printed at Hamburg, about the year of our Lord, 1532. the corrector of which print was then John Rogers, of whom ye shall hear more Christ willing hereafter. The Printers were Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was in deed William Tyndall, who with the help of Miles Cove••ale had translated all the books thereof, except only the Apocrypha, and certain notes in the margin which were added after. But because the said William Tyndall in the mean time was apprehended before this Bible was fully perfected,1 it was thought good to them which had the doing thereof, to change the name of William Tyndall, because that name then was odious, and to farther it by a strange name of Thomas Matthew, John Rogers the same time being corrector to the print, who had then translated the residue of the Apocrypha, and added also certain notes thereto in the margin,2 and thereof came it to be called Thomas Mathews Bible. Which Bible of Thomas Matthew, after it was imprinted and presented to the Lord Cromwell, & the Lord Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, who liked very well of it, the said Cromwell presented it to the king, and obtained that the same might freely pass to be read of his subjects with his graces licence: So that there was Printed upon the same book, one live in red letters with these words: Set forth with the Kings most gracious licence.
Here by the way, for the more direction to the story, thou hast louyng Reader, to note and vnderstand that in those daies there were ij. sundry Bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing diuers titles, and printed in diuers places. The first was called Thomas Mathews Bible, printed at Hambrough, about the yeare of our Lord, 1532. the corrector of which print was then Iohn Rogers, of whom ye shall heare more Christ willing hereafter. The Printers were Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was in deede William Tyndall, who with the helpe of Miles Coue••ale had translated all the bookes thereof, except onely the Apocrypha, and certaine notes in the margent which were added after. But because the said William Tyndall in the meane tyme was apprehended before this Bible was fully perfected,1 it was thought good to thē which had the doing therof, to chaunge the name of William Tyndall, because that name then was odious, and to farther it by a strāge name of Thomas Mathew, Iohn Rogers the same time beyng corrector to the print, who had then translated the residue of the Apocripha, and added also certaine notes thereto in the margent,2 and therof came it to be called Thomas Mathewes Bible. Which Bible of Thomas Mathew, after it was imprinted and presented to the Lord Cromwell, & the Lord Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, who liked very well of it, the sayd Cromwell presented it to ye kyng, and obteined that the same might freely passe to be read of hys subiectes with hys graces licence: So that there was Printed vpon the same booke, one lyue in red letters with these wordes: Set forth with the Kings most gracious licence.
The setting forth of this book did not a little offend the Clergy, namely, the Bishop aforesaid, both for the Prologues, & specially because in the same book was one special table collected of the common places in the Bible, and the scriptures for the approbation of the same, & chiefly about the supper of the lord and marriage of priests, and the mass, which there was said not to be found in Scripture.
The setting forth of this booke did not a little offend the Clergy, namely, the Bishop aforesayd, both for the Prologues, & specially because in the same booke was one special table collected of the common places in the Bible, and the scriptures for the approbation of the same, & chiefly about the supper of the lord and mariage of priests, and the masse, which there was said not to be found in Scripture.
Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresaid Bible of Matthew,1 another Bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540. Which was called the Bible of the large Volume. The Printers whereof were the foresaid Richard Grafton, and Whitchurche which bare the charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. The chiefest overseer was Myles Coverdale, who taking the translation of Tyndall, conferred the same with the Hebrew, and amended many things.
Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresayde Bible of Mathew,1 another Bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540. Which was called the Bible of the large Uolume. The Printers whereof were the foresayde Richard Grafton, and Whitchurche which bare the charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. The chiefest ouerseer was Myles Couerdale, who taking the translation of Tyndall, conferred the same with the Hebrue, and amended many things.
In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas Matthew was omitted,1 yet sundry marks & hands were annexed in the sides, which meant that in those places should be made certain notes, wherewith also the clergy was offended, though the notes were not made.
In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas Mathew was omitted,1 yet sondry markes & handes were annexed in the sides, which ment that in those places shuld be made certeine notes, wherwith also the clergy was offended, though the notes were not made.
After this, the bishops bringing their purpose to pass, brought the Lord Cromwell out of favour, and shortly to his death: and not long after, great complaint was made to the king of the translation of the Bible, and of the preface of the same,1 and then was the sale of the Bible commanded to be stayed, the B. promising to amend & correct it, but never performing the same: Then Grafton was called, & first charged with the printing of Mathews Bible, but he being fearful of trouble, made excuses for himself in all things. Then was he examined of the great Bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To the which he answered, that he knew none. For his purpose was to have retained learned men to have made the notes,2 but when he perceived the kings majesty, and his Clergy not willing to have any, he proceeded no further. But for all these excuses, Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and there remained ⟨p. 1192⟩vi. weeks, and before he came out, was bound in CCC.li that he should neither sell, nor imprint, or cause to be imprinted any moe Bibles, until the king & the clergy should agree upon a translation. And thus was the Bible from that time stayed, during the reign of King Henry the viij.
After this, the bishops bringing their purpose to passe, brought the Lord Cromwell out of fauour, and shortly to his death: and not long after, great complaint was made to the king of the translation of the Bible, and of ye preface of the same,1 and then was the sale of the Bible commaunded to be stayed, the B. promising to amend & correct it, but neuer performing the same: Then Grafton was called, & first charged with the printing of Mathewes Bible, but he being feareful of trouble, made excuses for himselfe in all things. Then was he examined of the great Bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To the which he aunswered, that he knewe none. For his purpose was to haue retayned learned men to haue made the notes,2 but when he perceyued the kynges maiestie, and his Clergye not willing to haue any, he proceded no further. But for al these excuses, Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and there remayned
But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters had lost their Bibles, they continued suitors to Boner, as is aforesaid, to be a mean for to obtain of the French king their books again: but so long they continued suitors, and Boner ever fed them with fair words, promising them much, but did nothing for them, till at the last Boner was discharged of his ambassade, and returned home, where he was right joyfully welcomed home by the lord Cromwell, who loved him dearly, and had a marvellous good opinion of him.1 And so long as Cromwell remained in authority, so long was Boner at his beck and friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies: as namely, at that time to Gardiner B. of Winchester, who never favoured Cromwell, & therefore Boner could not favour him, but that he and Winchester were the greatest enemies that might be.2 But so soon as Cromwell fell, immediately Boner and Winchester pretended to be the greatest men that lived, and no good word could Boner speak of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and bitterest that he could speak, calling him the rankest heretic that ever lived: and then such as the said Boner knew to be in good favour with Cromwell,3 he could never abide their sight. Insomuch, as the next day after that Cromwell was apprehended, the abovenamed Grafton, who before had been very fam•liar• with Boner, met with the said Boner suddenly, and said unto him, that he was sorry to hear of the news that then was abroad. What are they, said he? Of the apprehension of the L. Cromwell, said Grafton. Are ye sorry for that (said he?) It had been good that he had been dispatched long ago. With that Grafton looked upon him and knew not what to say, but came no more to Boner. Howbeit afterward the said Grafton being charged for the imprinting of a ballet made in the favour of Cromwell was called before the Council,4 where Boner was present and there Boner charged him with the words that he spake to him of Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the lord Awdeley, who then was Lord Chancellor, right discreetly and honourably, cut of the matter, and entered into other talk.
Like as in foreign battles the chief point of victory consisteth in the safety of the General or captain:1 even so when the valiant standard bearer and stay of the church of England, Tho. Cromwell I mean, was made away, pity it is to behold, what miserable slaughter of good men and good women ensued thereupon, whereof we have now (Christ willing) to entreat. For Winchester having now gotten his full purpose & free swing to exercise his cruelty, wonder it was to see that Aper Calydonius, or (as the scripture speaketh) that Ferus singularis, 2what troubles he raised in the Lords vineyard. And least by delays he might loose the occasion presently offered, he straight ways made his first assaults upon Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret and William Hierome, whom in the very same month within ij. days after Cromwels death, he caused to be put to execution. Whose histories severally to comprehend, first of all we will somewhat speak of Barnes D. of divinity, whose particular story here followeth.
LIke as in forreine battails the chiefe poynt of victorie consisteth in the safetie of the Generall or captayne:1 euen so when the valiaunt standerd bearer and stay of the church of England, Tho. Cromwell I meane, was made away, pitie it is to behold, what miserable slaghter of good men and good women ensued thereupon, wherof we haue now (Christ willing) to entreat. For Winchester hauyng now gotten his full purpose & free swinge to exercise his cruelty, wonder it was to see that Aper Calydonius, or (as the scripture speaketh) that Ferus singularis, 2what troubles he raised in the Lordes vineyard. And least by delayes he might loose the occasion presently offered, he straight wais made his first assaultes vpon Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret and William Hierome, whom in ye very same moneth within ij. dayes after Cromwels death, he caused to be put to execution. Whose histories seuerally to comprehend, first of all we will somewhat speake of Barnes D. of diuinitie, whose perticular story here followeth.
This Barnes, after he came from the University of Louvain,1 went to Cambridge, where he was made Prior and master of the house of the Augustines. At that time the knowledge of good letters was scarcely entered into the University, all things being full of rudeness and barbarity, saving in very few, which were privy and secret. Whereupon Barnes having some feeling of better learning and authors, began in his house to read Terence, Plautus, & Cicero,2 so that what with his industry, pains & labours, and with the help of Tho. Parnell his scholar, whom he brought from Lovane with him, reading Copia verborum & rerum, he caused the house shortly to flourish with good letters, and made a great part of the house learned (which before were drowned in barbarous rudeness) as M. Cambridge, master Field, M. Colman, M. Burley, M. Coverdale, with divers other of the University, that sojourned there for learnings sake. After these foundations laid, then did he read openly in the house, Pauls Epistles, and put by Duns and Dorbel, and ye• he was a questionary himself: and only because he would have Christ there taught and his holy word, he turned their unsavoury Problems and fruitless disputations to other better matter of the holy scripture, & thereby in short space he made divers good divines. The same order of disputation which he kept in his house, he observed likewise in the university abroad when he should dispute with any man in the common schools. And the first man that answered Doctor Barnes in the Scriptures, was Master Stafford for his form to be Bachelor of divinity, which disputation was marvellous in the sight of the great blind Doctors, and joyful to the godly spirited.
This Barnes, after he came from the Uniuersitie of Louaine,1 went to Cambridge, where he was made Prior and maister of the house of the Augustines. At that tyme the knowledge of good letters was scarcely entred into the Uniuersitie, all things beyng full of rudenes and barbaritie, sauing in very few, which wer priuy and secret. Wherupon Barnes hauing some feeling of better learning and authors, began in his house to read Terence, Plautus, & Cicero,2
Thus Barnes what with his reading, disputation and preaching, became famous and mighty in the Scriptures, preaching ever against bishops and hypocrites, and yet did not see his inward & outward idolatry, which he both taught and maintained, till that good M. Bilney, with other (as is aforesaid in the life of M. Bilney) converted him wholly unto Christ.
Thus Barnes what with his reading, disputation and preaching, became famous and mighty in the Scriptures, preaching euer against bishops and hypocrites, and yet did not see his inward & outward idolatry, which he both taught and mainteined, till that good M. Bilney, with other (as is aforesayd in the lyfe of M. Bilney) conuerted him wholy vnto Christ.
The first sermon that ever he preached of this truth, was the Sunday before Christmas day, at S. Edwards church longing to Trinity hall in Cambridge,1 by the Pease marker: whose theme was the epistle of the same sunday, Gaudete in domino, &c. and so postilled the whole epistle, following the scripture and Luther's postil, and for that sermon he was immediately accused of heresy by ij. fellows of the kings hall. Then the godly learned in Christ both of Pembroke hall, S. Johns, Peter house, Queens college the Kings college, Gunwell hall, & Benet college, showed themselves & flocked together in open sight, both in the schools, and at open Sermons at S. Mary's, and at the Austens, and at other disputations, and then they conferred continually together.
The first sermon that euer he preached of this truth, was the Sonday before Christmas day, at S. Edwardes church longing to Trinitie hall in Cambridge,1 by ye Pease marker: whose theame was the epistle of the same sonday, Gaudete in domino, &c. and so postilled the whole epistle, folowyng the scripture and Luthers postill, and for that sermon he was immediatly accused of heresie by ij. fellowes of the kings hall. Then the godly learned in Christ both of Penbroke hall, S. Iohns, Peter house, Queenes colledge the Kings colledge, Gunwell hall, & Benet college, sh•wed themselues & flocked together in open sight, both in the scholes, and at open Sermons at S. Maries, and at the Austens, and at other disputations, and then they conferred continually together.
The house that they resorted most commonly unto, was the white horse, which for despite of them to bring Gods word into contempt was called Germany. This house especially was chosen because of them of S. Johns. The kings college, and the Queens college, came in on the back side. At this time much trouble began to ensue. The adversaries of D. Barnes accused him in the Regent house before the Uicechancelor, where as his articles were presented with him & received, he promising to make answer at the next convocation, and so it was done. Then Doctor Nottoris a rank enemy to Christ, moved Doct. Barnes to recant, but he refused so to do: which appeareth in his book that he made to king Henry the 8. in English, confuting the judgement of cardinal Wolsey, and the residue of the Bishops papistical,1 and so for the time stood steadfast. And this tragedy continued in Cambridge, one preaching against another, in trying out of Gods truth, until within vj. days of Shrovetide. Then suddenly was sent down to Cambridge a sergeant of arms called master Gibson, dwelling in s. Thomas Apostles in London,2 who suddenly arrested D. Barnes openly in the convocation house, to make all other afraid: and privily they had determined to make search for Luther's books, and all the Germans works suddenly.
The house that they resorted most commonly vnto, was the white horse, which for despite of them to bryng Gods word into contempt was called Germany. This house especially was chosen because of them of S. Iohns. The kings colledge, and the Queenes colledge, came in on the backe side. At this tyme much trouble began to ensue. The aduersaries of D. Barnes accused him in the Regēt house before the Uicechancelor, where as his articles were presented with him & receyued, he promising to make answer at the next conuocation, and so it was done. Then Doctor Nottoris a ranke enemy to Christ, mooued Doct. Barnes to recant, but he refused so to do: which appeareth in hys booke that he made to king Henry the 8. in English, confuting the iudgement of cardinall Wolsey, and the residue of the Bishops papisticall,1 and so for the tyme stoode stedfast. And this tragedy continued in Cambridge, one preachyng agaynst another, in trying out of Gods truth, vntil within vj. dayes of Shrouetyde. Then sodenly was sent downe to Cambridge a sergeaunt of armes called maister Gibson, dwelling in s. Thomas Apostles in Londō,
But good D. Farman of the Queens College, sent word incontinently thereof,1 to the chambers of those that were suspected, which were in number xxx. persons. But God be praised they were conveyed, by that time that the sergeant at arms, the Uicechauncelor and the Proctors were at every mans chamber,2 going directly to the place where the books lay (whereby it was perceived that there were some privy spies amongst that small company) and that night they studied together and gave him his answer, which answer he carried with him to London the next morning, which was Tuesday before Shrovesonday,3 & came on the Wednesday to London, & lay at M. Parnell's house by the stocks. In the morning he was carried by the Sergeant at arms to cardinal Wolsey to Westminster, waiting there all day, and could not speak with him till night.4 Then by the reason of D. Gardiner Secretary to the cardinal (of whose familiar acquaintance he had been, before) and M. Fox M. of the Wards, he spake the same night with the cardinal in his chamber of estate, kneeling on his knees. Then said the cardinal to them, is this D. Barnes your man that is accused of heresy? Yea, and please your grace, and we trust you shall find him reformable, for he is both well learned and wise.
But good D. Farman of the Queenes Colledge, sent word incontinently thereof,1 to the chambers of those that were suspected, which were in number xxx. persons. But God be praysed they were conueied, by that tyme that the sergeant at armes, the Uicechauncelor and the Proctours were at euery mans chamber,2 goyng directly to the place where the bookes lay (wherby it was perceiued that there were some priuy spies amongst that small company) and that night they studied together and gaue him his answer, which answer he caried with him to Londō the next morning, which was Tuesday before Shrouesonday,3
What M. doctor (said the cardinal) had you not a sufficient scope in the scriptures to teach the people,1 but that my golden shows, my poleaxes, my pillars, my golden cushions, my crosses did so sore offend you, that you must make us Ridiculum caput amongst the people. We were jollily that day laughed to scorn. Verily it was a sermon more fitter to be preached on a stage, than in a pulpit: for at the last you said, I wear a pair of red gloves, I should say bloody gloves (quoth you) that I should not be cold in the midst of my ceremonies, And he answered. I spake nothing but ⟨p. 1193⟩the truth out of the scriptures, according to my conscience and according to the old Doctors: and then did he deliver him vi. sheets of paper written to confirm and corroborate his sayings.
What M. doctor (sayd the cardinal) had you not a sufficient scope in the scriptures to teach the people,1 but that my golden shewes, my pollaxes, my pillers, my goldē cusshiōs, my crosses did so sore offēd you, that you must make vs Ridiculum caput amongst the people. We were iolily yt day laughed to scorne. Uerily it was a sermon more fitter to be preached on a stage, thē in a pulpit: for at the last you sayd, I weare a payre of red gloues, I should say bloudye gloues (quoth you) that I should not be cold in the midst of my ceremonies, And he answered. I spake nothing but ⟨p. 1193⟩the truth out of the scriptures, according to my conscience and according to the old Doctors: and then did hee deliuer him vi. sheetes of paper written to confirme and corroborate his sayinges.
He received them smiling on him, and saying, we perceive then that you intend to stand to your Articles and to show your learning.
He receaued them smiling on him, and saying, we perceiue then that you intend to stand to your Articles and to shew your learning.
Yea said Barnes that I do intend by Gods grace, with your Lordships favour.
Yea sayde Barnes that I doe intend by Gods grace, with your Lordships fauour.
