A88579:156
A clear and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my trial before, and condemnation by, the High Court of Justice. Whereby it is manifested, that a close prison, a long sword, a High Court, and a bloody scaffold, have not in the least altered my judgment. Whereas also the cruelty of the sentence, the insufficiency of the proofs, and my own innocency, are demonstrated. As also my grounds and reasons of giving in a narrative, and the lawfulness of the matter and titles of my petitions (though to usurpers) manifested and maintained. Together with a declaration of my judgement concerning Cromwells unlawful invasion of the kingdom of Scotland. Written by me Christopher Love, Master of Arts, minister of Lawrence Jury, London; penned by me the eighth of August, fourteen days before my death.A cleare and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my tryall before, and condemnation by, the High Court of Iustice. Whereby it is manifested, that a close prison, a long sword, a High Court, and a bloody scaffold, have not in the least altered my judgment. Whereas also the cruelty of the sentence, the insufficiency of the proofs, and my own innocency, are demonstrated. As also my grounds and reasons of giving in a narrative, and the lawfulness of the matter and titles of my petitions (though to usurpers) manifested and maintained. Together with a declaration of my judgement concerning Cromwells unlawfull invasion of the kingdom of Scotland. Written by me Christopher Love, Master of Arts, minister of Lawrence Iury, London; penned by me the eighth of August, fourteen days before my death.
London : s.n., Printed in the year 1651
Title page typeset from the transcription.
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
He being asked, whether I gave my consent to the sending away of the Commission? he answered, that he could not say that I was there when it was sent away.
He being askt, whether I gave my consent to the sending away of the Commission? he answered, that he could not say that I was there when it was sent away.
And being asked, whether I did not protest against it? he answered, that it was agreed by all that the Commission should not be sent.
And being askt, whether I did not protest against it? he answered, that it was agreed by all that the Commission should not be sent.
He being asked, whether he thought that I received the five pound he laid on my table? he answered no, but he thought another did receive it, and named who.
He being askt, whether he thought that I received the five pound he laid on my table? he answered no, but he thought another did receive it, and named who.
Thus you have an extract of all the eight Witnesses have deposed without extension or omission of any material passage in any mans Testimony. I wish from my heart that all the Depositions, together with my Defence made in Court, were truly published by an impartial hand, then I should be confident the Reader would justify me, though the High Court have condemned me. Being now upon the Testimony of the Witnesses I crave leave to insist a little larger upon it than I at first intended, that I may manifest the more clearly, the insufficiency, falseness, and contradictoriness thereof; what the Evangelist observes touching the accusers of Christ, I may without vanity say of mine, that they did not agree among themselves, one Witness sware one thing, and another sware the quite contrary, yea they did not only contradict •ne another, but sometimes contradict themselves, as I have made appear more fully in my defence before the high Court. I did never see Witnesses more confounded than they were▪ so that though their Testimony did condemn my person, yet I (nay themselves) have condemned their own Testimony; So that may I say, without vanity, that promise is made good, Isa. 54. 17. Every tongue that shall rise up in judgement against thee thou shalt condemn, this is the heritage of the servants of the Lord. To evidence this to the world, I shall give you a brief, and true relation, of sundry remarkable passages concerning the Witnesses, either before, or in, or after, the Trial, which will, If not nullify, yet invalidate and disparage their, Testimony, in the thoughts of judicious and impartial men. I shall begin with the first Witness, which was Captain Potter. I beseech you take notice, concerning him, of these particulars. First, If ever his testimony be published,1 he doth rather justify than accuse me, he fastens nothing capital upon me; yea, secondly he swears, he met at my house sometimes on a friendly, sometimes on a Christian account, or to hear news, that was the ⟨p. 24⟩worst he did swear about the meeting at my house. Thirdly, He swore in Court, that till Master Prideaux remembered him of some things out of the examinations of other men he could not remember them, or speak to them, yet things done so long ago, and forgotten by a man are counted to be sufficient proof against me.
Thus you have an extract of all the eight Witnesses have deposed without extension or omission of any materiall passage in any mans Testimony. I wish from my heart that all the Depositions, together with my Defence made in Court, were truly published by an impartiall hand, then I should be confident the Reader would justifie me, though the High Court have condemned me. Being now upon the Testimony of the Witnesses I crave leave to insist a little larger upon it than I at first intended, that I may manifest the more clearly, the insufficiency, falsnesse, and contradictorinesse thereof; what the Evangelist observes touching the accusers of Christ, I may without vanity say of mine, that they did not agree among themselves, one Witnesse sware one thing, and another sware the quite contrary, yea they did not only contradict •ne another, but sometimes contradict themselves, as I have made appear more fully in my defence before the high Court. I did never see Witnesses more confounded than they were▪ so that though their Testimony did condemne my person, yet I (nay themselves) have condemned their owne Testimony; So that may I say, without vanity, that promise is made good, Isa. 54. 17. Every tongue that shall rise up in judgement against thee thou shalt condemn, this is the heritage of the servants of the Lord. To evidence this to the world, I shall give you a brief, and true relation, of sundry remarkable passages concerning the Witnesses, either before, or in, or after, the Tryall, which will, If not nullifie, yet invalidate and disparage their, Testimony, in the thoughts of judicious and impartiall men. I shall begin with the first Witnesse, which was Captaine Potter. I beseech you take notice, concerning him, of these particulars. First, If ever his testimony be published,1 he doth rather justifie than accuse me, he fastens nothing capitall upon me; yea, secondly he swears, he met at my house sometimes on a friendly, sometimes on a Christian account, or to hear news, that was the ⟨p. 24⟩worst he did swear about the meeting at my house. Thirdly, He swore in Court, that till Master Prideaux remembered him of some things out of the examinations of other men he could not remember them, or speak to them, yet things done so long agoe, and forgotten by a man are counted to be sufficient proof against me.
Fourthly, he was threatened with death if he would not, and promised his life by Mr. Prideaux and Mr. Scot if he would confess what he knew, and Witness against me. And because he did not swear to every addition and aggravation against me, put into his examination (by Capt. Bishop Clerk of the Committee) which he discovered in Court, and said, all was not his, therefore he is condemned to dye, and in great danger to lose his life.
Fourthly, he was threatned with death if he would not, and promised his life by Mr. Prideaux and Mr. Scot if he would confesse what he knew, and Witnesse against me. And because he did not swear to every addition and agravation against me, put into his examination (by Capt. Bishop Clerke of the Committee) which he discovered in Court, and said, all was not his, therefore he is condemned to dye, and in great danger to lose his life.
The second Witness was Major Alford, 1he was in much trouble before he came in against me, he told his Sister, and other Friends, they would put him to death, if he did not testify against me; but now he sees me condemned, he is filled with shame, that he cannot walk the streets, and with sorrow, that he can neither sleep, nor eat his bread with comfort. Yea, Mr. Cranford coming once to visit him, did find him lying on his bed in a dark room, in much disquiet of mind; he told Mr. Cranford, that nothing did trouble him so much in all his life, as his witnessing against me, and were it to do again, he would never do it, if he had ten lives to lose. Mr. Cranford told me this, that he heard it from Alfords own mouth. I hear that he is not well, but I believe I may say agrotat animo magis quam corpore, and that he hath great cause to be.
The second Witnesse was Major Alford, 1he was in much trouble before he came in against me, he told his Sister, and other Friends, they would put him to death, if he did not testifie against me; but now he sees me condemned, he is filled with shame, that he cannot walk the streets, and with sorrow, that he can neither sleep, nor eat his bread with comfort. Yea, Mr. Cranford coming once to visit him, did finde him lying on his bed in a dark room, in much disquiet of minde; he told Mr. Cranford, that nothing did trouble him so much in all his life, as his witnessing against me, and were it to do again, he would never doe it, if he had ten lives to lose. Mr. Cranford told me this, that he heard it from Alfords own mouth. I hear that he is not well, but I believe I may say agrotat animo magis quam corpore, and that he hath great cause to be.
The third Witness was Major Huntington, 1a man whose face I never saw but once at my house, nor since, but at my Trial: He is not only a dissembling fellow, but a most perjured wretch; he did hardly swear one true word, as relating to things done at my house, yea, as to me, he sware most falsely that I said of the Commission, Come, come, let it go, which is a most notorious lye; yea, Captain Far, another of the Witnesses who was then present, sware the quite contrary, that all the Company was against the sending the Commission, and did allege the reason that I gave against it, That private men had not power to Commissionate, &c.
The third Witnesse was Major Huntington, 1a man whose face I never saw but once at my house, nor since, but at my Tryall: He is not only a dissembling fellow, but a most perjured wretch; he did hardly swear one true word, as relating to things done at my house, yea, as to me, he sware most falsly that I said of the Commission, Come, come, let it goe, which is a most notorious lye; yea, Captain Far, another of the Witnesses who was then present, sware the quite contrary, that all the Company was against the sending the Commission, and did allege the reason that I gave against it, That private men had not power to Commissionate, &c.
The fourth Witness was Lieutenant Colonel Baines, 1that Arch-Apostate from his first Principles, he told the Court a long story, but did not, could not say one word concerning me, so he went as wise as he came.
The fourth Witnesse was Lieutenant Colonell Baines, 1that Arch-Apostate from his first Principles, he told the Court a long story, but did not, could not say one word concerning me, so he went as wise as he came.
The fifth Witness was Major Adams, who is a Monster among men,1 and will be, I am persuaded, a monument of Misery to all that know him; I have many things to say concerning him. First, He was a hired Witness against me; one Major Cobbet (a pragmatical fellow) was employed by Mr. Scot to suborn this Major Adams, and did so, and to that end did give him 10 l. to that purpose, I seeing him stand by me in the Court, did charge this Cobbet with it; all the evasion he had was this, that he lent the 10. l. to Major Adams his Wife, because he thought he was poor, yet I could have produced Witnesses in Court (but the High Court would not permit it) to prove, that Adams had received a vast sum of money from Mr. Scot, and from others by Mr. Scots appointment, to betray me, and the rest of the Ministers and Citizens now in the Tower; so that we may say of this Adams, as Nehemiah did of Shemaiah, that suborned Prophet, Neh. 6. 12, 13. And so I perceived God had not sent him, for Tobiah and Sanballat had hired him. And therefore was he hired, that they might have matter for an evil report, that they might reproach me Peradventure, God may fill him with such horror of ⟨p. 25⟩Conscience, and consternation of mind before he dies, that he may bring back the money, the price of my blood, to those Tabiahs and Sanballets who hired him, as Judas did in trouble of Conscience bring back the 30 pieces of Silver to the Priests and Pharisees, who did hire him to betray Jesus Christ. Secondly, This Adams, would ordinarily come once or twice a week to my house un-invited, on purpose, I now perceive, to ensnare me; he would be very inquisitive after News from Scotland, and would be very free to offer me money, and asking, whether I knew of no public use that required money? but, as the Lord ordered it, I never received a penny from him. Thirdly, This wretched Adams hath been in pay with Mr. Scot above these 12 months, yet he was not to discover himself, but to carry himself as formerly, that so he might ensnare honest men with the less suspicion. This, this is the only man who hath accused 13. Godly Ministers, many worthy Citizens; all who are now in trouble, were brought to Prison upon his single Information. I speak this upon knowledge; for by a special providence I have gotten a copy of his Informations he hath given in to Mr. Scot:
Yea, he hath informed of every private Fast that he himself was at, signified what persons were present, who preached and prayed, and what they prayed about the State; he hath accused many of the secluded Members also. There hath been such a continuance in, and contexture of studied wickedness, and all under a high pretence of Profession, that I think there is not such a Parallel in the whole world. Oh! I do wonder how this wretch can sleep by night, or eat his bread by day, with any comfort, who hath bin the cause of 1• Godly Ministers Imprisonment, and of the withdrawing of others from their Families and Pulpits. Oh! I durst not lye under this mans guilt for 10000 Worlds. Fourthly, to cover all this wickedness, they must accuse him of High-Treason, clap him close Prisoner, yet underhand they did maintain him there; yea, he did shed tears, and pretend trouble, that he was forced to come in against me. He told Mistress Jackson in the Poultry, that he did not know whether he had not better choose to be hanged, than to swear against me; yea, he took a cup of Wine or Beer (in the presence of Mr. Spencer a Minister, and his Son, who lives in the Poultry) wishing it might be his poison, if either he had accused me, or would accuse me. This Mr. Cranford told me he had from Mr. Spencer himself. All this was to cover his wickedness, that he might not be suspected to be a hired or suborned witness. And herein you may see the falseness and wretchedness of this man, he that pretended trouble and sorrow before he did come in a Witness against me, now discovers impudency, impenitency, and hardness of heart, after he hath maliciously sworn against me, to take away my life; the Lord open his eyes, and touch his heart, that he may at length see, and bewail his great wickedness.
Yea, he hath informed of every private Fast that he himself was at, signified what persons were present, who preacht and prayd, and what they prayed about the State; he hath accused many of the secluded Members also. There hath been such a continuance in, and contexture of studied wickednesse, and all under a high pretence of Profession, that I think there is not such a Parallel in the whole world. Oh! I do wonder how this wretch can sleep by night, or eat his bread by day, with any comfort, who hath bin the cause of 1• Godly Ministers Imprisonment, and of the withdrawing of others from their Families and Pulpits. Oh! I durst not lye under this mans guilt for 10000 Worlds. Fourthl•, to cover all this wickednesse, they must accuse him of High-Treason, clap him close Prisoner, yet underhand they did maintaine him there; yea, he did shed tears, and pretend trouble, that he was forced to come in against me. He told Mistris Jackson in the Poultrey, that he did not know whether he had not better chuse to be hanged, than to swear against me; yea, he took a cup of Wine or Beer (in the presence of Mr. Spencer a Minister, and his Son, who lives in the Poultrey) wishing it might be his poyson, if either he had accused me, or would accuse me. This Mr. Cranford told me he had from Mr. Spencer himselfe. All this was to cover his wickednesse, that he might not be suspected to be a hired or suborned witnesse. And herein you may see the falsenesse and wretchednesse of this man, he that pretended trouble and sorrow before he did come in a Witnesse against me, now discovers impudency, impenitency, and hardnesse of heart, after he hath maliciously sworn against me, to take away my life; the Lord open his eyes, and touch his heart, that he may at length see, and bewaile his great wickednesse.
The sixth Witness was Mr. Jaquell. I dare not say he accused me out of studied knavery,1 as Adams did, but only out of base fear and Cowardice, to save his own life he would cast away mine. Concerning Mr. Jaquell I shall mention but a few particulars First. He did fully resolve, before he was taken into Custody, neither to accuse himself, or any other; yet, through fear, did both. Secondly, when he was brought in open Court to be a Witness against me, he did, for at least half an hour, refuse to swear, or to be a Witness against me, yea, when he came first in the Court, be said he was a close prisoner, accused of the same crim• that I was accused of, that he was not a competent Witness against me, yea, he said oftentimes that he could not in Conscience be a Witness against me; the ⟨p. 26⟩Counsel for the Common-wealth, and the Court did still press him to take his Oath against me, yet he did still refuse; he was fined 500 l. and sent out of the Court; and immediately he was called into the Court again, and urged to take his Oath, and threatened if he would not; they told him they had fined him 500 l. for refusing to swear against me; upon this he was more yielding to take his Oath, yet he did not take his Oath as any of the rest did, but did only put up his hand by his buttons, and when I asked him, whether he was under an Oath? he answered, that he was as good as under an Oath; at length he did mutter out that he was under an Oath, but yet since I was condemned his own wife came to me, told me how much her husband was troubled for what he had done, and did assure me, that her husband told her, that he did not look upon himself as under an Oath. Thirdly, when this poor man heard that I was condemned to dye, then in the anguish of his Soul he did write me a Letter, wherein, among other things, he did confess he had done me wrong, and desired me to forgive him the wrong he had done me, and had this passage among the rest in his Letter, which I have transcribed to a word. Surely (said he) in that day that I shall hear of your life being violently taken away, mine will be but a little comfort to me, being an instrument in takin• away of yours.
The sixth Witnesse was Mr. Jaquell. I dare not say he accused me out of studied knavery,1
The seventh Witness was Colonel Barton. He had nothing to say against me,1 but that I was once at his house at a Fast, of which I am not ashamed.
The seventh Witnesse was Colonell Barton. Hee had nothing to say against me,1 but that I was once at his house at a Fast, of which I am not ashamed.
The eighth Witness was Captain Far. He was so astonished and confounded, that he could not speak an entire sentence of himself; but only what he was prompt by Mr. Prideaux. He was so struck with fear, that sometimes he spake Non-sence, otherwhile falshoo••, and otherwhiles spake manifest Contradictions to himself: The poor man was so amazed, that he knew not what he said, or what he d•d, but Mr. Attorney had his Examinations, which were taken in private, and patched together by Mr. Scot, and Captain bishop, and by the help of those papers, Mr. Prideaux made a shift to rub up his slippery memory, and to help his slow tongue; And Mr. Prideaux perceiving that Captain Far was likely to mar his own evidence, had he been let alone to himself, therefore Mr. Prideaux helps him at a dead lift, and puts to Captain Far no less than fourscore and eighteen Questions, or leading Interrogatories a thing which I think was never heard of before practised, in any Court since William the Conquerors days, until then▪ yet by the poor misled Members of the Court this was well accepted of, though I did protest against it as a most illegal practice. Now I am Condemned, I am informed, that this Captain Far is much troubled to think of my death. Touching these 8 Accusers I will say but this, they did prosecute my life, to preserve their own; I have done with them, I pray God begin with them, to humble their hearts, and show them their sinne•, that they may see, and fear, and do no more so wickedly; for my part I would not change Conditions with them they are in a sinning, but I only in a suffering Condition. I had rather be a Sufferer with the Brethren, than an Accuser of the Brethren. I have more peace and quietness who am to dye, than they will have who have bought their lives at so dear a rate, as with the price of my blood.
The eighth Witnesse was Captain Far. He was so astonished and confounded, that he could not speak an entire sentence of himself; but only what he was prompt by Mr. Prideaux. He was so struck with fear, that sometimes he spake Non-sence, otherwhile falshoo••, and otherwhiles spake manifest Contradictions to himselfe: The poor man was so amazed, that he knew not what he said, or what he d•d, but Mr. Atturney had his Examinations, which were taken in private, and patcht together by Mr. Scot, and Captain ishop, and by the help of those papers, Mr. Prideaux made a hift to rubbe up his slippery memory, and to helpe his slow tongue; And Mr. Prideaux perceiving that Captain Far was likely to marre his own evidence, had he been let alone to himselfe, therefore Mr. Prideaux helps him at a dead lift, and puts to Captain Far no lesse than fourscore and eighteene Questions, or leading Interrogatories a thing which I think was never heard of before practised, in any Court since William the Conquerours dayes, untill then yet by the poor misled Members of the Court this was well accepted of, though I did protest against it as a most illegall practice. Now I am Condemned, I am informed, that this Captain Far is much troubled to thinke of my death. Touching these 8 Accusers I will say but this, they did prosecute my life, to preserve their own; I have done with them, I pray God begin with them, to humble their hearts, and shew them their sinne, that they may see, and fear, and do no more so wickedly; for my part I would not change Conditions with them they are in a sinning, but I onely in a suffering Condition. I had rather be a Sufferer with the Brethren, than an Accuser of the Brethren. I have more peace and quietnesse who am to dye, than they will have who have bought their lives at so dear a rate, as with the price of my blood.
Having spoken largely about my Witnesses, I shall mention but a word about the partiality of my Judges. I think there was never such violent, indirect proceedings to take away the life of a Minister, since the Reign of Queen Mary, to this ⟨p. 27⟩day. They suffered the Examinations of the Witnesses, composed by Mr. Scot and Captain Bishop, to be read in Court, which is contrary to Law and Justice, and the Customs of all Courts. They commanded the Scaffolds to be put up the first day, when my black and bloody Charge was read, and the Witnesses produced in Court, but pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my Defence•, not caring how many heard my Charge, nor how few heard me to clear my self. And they gave me but from Saturday till Wednesday to make my Defence, although the Depositions were to write out, which were 28 sheets of paper, which I was to peruse and answer. Though they pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my defence, yet they put them up again, when the Counsel for the Common-wealth were to make their Reply to my Defence; All this was that I might lye under more disadvantage in the judgement of the Spectators. Yea, such was the partiality of the Court, that they refused to hear my Witnesses, when produced them in Court. And after they had assigned me Counsel, they rejected two of them, one of them could not be there, and the fourth, viz. Mr. Hales, was not acquainted with my case, I never spake with him until half an hour before the Court sate, he never saw nor read the Depositions, yet they would not allow my Counsel a days time to study my case, but he must plead then, •x tem•ore, or not at all. Oh extremity of Rigour! yea further, though I had a Notary to write for me, yet have they taken away all the Books from him▪ so that nothing shall come to the public view, but with what additions or alterations they please, to my greater disadvantage; but my hope is, that some faithful Pen or other hath writ my Defence, and the Witnesses Depositions, and according to them let my Innocency be judged by indifferent and unprejudicated men. But enough of this.
Having spoken largely about my Witnesses, I shall mention but a word about the partiality of my Iudges. I think there was never such violent, indirect procee•ings to take away the life of a Minister, since the Reign of Queen Mary, to this
I have but one thing more to do in this vindication of my person and ministry, and that is to answer a grand objection which is brought against me, Object. viz. That all the blood of •co•lana is charged upon me, and the rest of my Brethren whom they call my Confederates. Answer. To take off this false and most notorious slander, I shall dispatch these 3. particulars, viz. 1. Give you something to observe in the general. 2. Manifest that I have no hand in the War with our dear Brethren of Scotland. 3. Lay down Arguments drawn from instances of Scripture, clearness of reason, & interest of State to prove the unlawfulness of the English Arm•'s invading of Scotland; then conclude with some Demonstrative suggestions, what may be the intolerable mischiefs, sad consequence, and unexpressible calamities that may befall the Godly party in both Nations, if the English Army prevail over our brethren of Scotland, to subdue and conquer them.
I have but one thing more to doe in this vindication of my person and ministry, and that is to answer a grand objection which is brought against me, Object. viz. That all the blood of •co•lana is charged upon me, and the rest of my Brethren whom they call my Confederates. Answer. To take off this false and most notorious slander, I shall dispatch these 3. particulars, viz. 1. Give you something to observe in the generall. 2. Manifest that I have no hand in the War with our dear Brethren of Scotland. 3. Lay down Arguments drawn from instances of Scripture, clearnesse of reason, & interest of State to prove the unlawfulnes of the E•glish Arm•'s invading of Scotland; then conclude with some Demonstrative suggestions, what may be the intollerable mischiefes, sad corsequence, and unexpressible calamities that may befall the Godly party in both Nations, if the English Army prevaile over our brethen of Scotland, to subdue and conquer them.
1. Touching this Objection, I shall give you something to observe in general, that is this, That these men do as N•ro did, set Rome on fire, and then charge the Christians with it; so do these new Common-wealths men put two Kingdoms on fire, blow the sparks of dissension into a flame, so causing a mighty Combustion and Conflagration, yet charge it upon us, who pour out tears to quench the burning which their lusts and ambition (who affect only earthly domination & rule over their brethren) hath kindled in the Neighbour Nation. As the Gunpowder Traitors charged that plot of blowing up the Parliament (which themselves only contrived) upon the Puritans, who were ever Friends, never Enemies to Parliaments, till this Apostate Generation of men stood up; so do these Traitorous Heretics lay lasting Seeds of Division between the two Nations, invade Scotland, imbrue their hands in their Brethren's blood, slay them with a rage ⟨p. 28⟩reaching up to Heaven, spill their blood like water on the ground, yet we must be charged with all this blood, who have had no hand in, but a detestation of the Invasion of the Neighbour Nation; the Lord judge between them and us.
1. Touching this Objection, I shall give you something to observe in generall, that is this, That these men do as N•ro did, set Rome on fire, and then charge the Christians with it; so do these new Common-wealths men put two Kingdomes on fire, blow the sparks of dissention into a flame, so causing a mighty Combustion and Conflagration, yet charge it upon us, who pour out tears to quench the burning which their lusts and ambition (who affect only earthly domination & rule over their brethren) hath kindled in the Neighbour Nation. As the Gunpowder Traytors charged that plot of blowing up the Parliament (which themselves onely contrived) upon the Puritans, who were ever Friends, never Enemies to Parliaments, till this Apostate Generation of men stood up; so doe these Trayterous Hereticks lay lasting Seeds of Division between the two Nations, invade Scotland, imbrue their hands in their Brethrens blood, slay them with a rage ⟨p. 28⟩reaching up to Heaven, spill their blood like water on the ground, yet we must be charged with all this blood, who have had no hand in, but a detestation of the Invasion of the Neighbour Nation; the Lord judge bttween them and us.
