¶A Table declaring the Kings of Britain, which reigned together with the Saxons, after their coming into this land. Kings of Britain which here reigned in the time of the Saxons. Vortigernus. Vortimerius. Vortigernus, again. Aurelius Ambrosius. Utter Pendragon. Arthurus. Constantinus 3. Aurelius. Conanus. Vortiperius. Malgo. Carecius.

¶A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne, which raigned together with the Saxones, after their comming into this land. Kinges of Britaine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones. Vortigernus. Vortimerius. Vortigernus, againe. Aurelius Ambrosius. Vter Pendragon. Arthurus. Constantinus 3. Aurelius. Conanus. Vortiperius. Malgo. Carecius.

Here is to be understand that these Britain kings above mentioned, did not so reign here in this land, from the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and government over all the whole realm: but only over parcels or parts, such as by force of arms, they could either ⟨p. 113⟩hold or win from the Saxons:¹ which coming in daily and growing upon them, did so replenish the land with multitudes of them, that the Britons at length were neither able to hold that which they had, nor to recover that which they lost: Leaving example to all ages & countries, what it is, first to let in foreign nations into their dominion,² but especially what it is for Princes to join in marriage with infidels: as this Vortiger did with Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of all this mischief: giving to the Saxons not only strength, but also occasion and courage to attempt that which they did. Neither was this unconsidered before of the Britain Lords and Nobility: who worthily being therewith offended, justly deposed their king, & enthroned Vortimerus his son in his room. By the which Vortimer being a punant prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driven again into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whom Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traitorously to be poisoned.³ Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdom, through the entreaty of Rowen his wife, sent into Germany again for Engist, who eftsoons making his return, came in with a name of 300. ships well appointed.⁴ The Nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared them selves to the contrary side in all forcible wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen his daughter so laboured the king: excusing himself, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to work any violence either against him or against his country, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet been alive, whom he minded to impugn for the kings sake, and to take his part. And now for so much as he heareth of the death of Vortimer his enemy, he therefore committeth both himself & his people to his disposition, to appoint how few or how many of them he would to remain within his land: the rest should return. And if it so pleased the King, to appoint day & place, where they might meet and talk together of the matter, both he and his would stand to such order as the king with his counsel should appoint.

Here is to be vnderstand that these Britaine kings aboue mentioned, did not so raign here in this land, frō the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and gouernement ouer all the whole realme: but only ouer parcels or partes, such as by force of armes, they could either ⟨p. 113⟩hold or win from the Saxons:¹ which cōming in daily and growing vpon thē, did so replenish the land wt multitudes of them, that ye Britains at lēgth were neither able to hold yt which they had, nor to recouer that which they lost: Leauing exaple to al ages & countreis, what it is, first to let in forreine nations into their dominion,² but especially what it is for Princes to ioyne in mariage with infidels: as this Vortiger did wt Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of al this mischief: geuing to the Saxons not only strēgth, but also occasion and courage to attempt that whych they did. Neyther was this vncōsidered before of the Britaine Lords and Nobilitie: who worthely being therewt offended, iustly deposed their king, & inthroned Vortimerus hys sonne in his roume. By the which Vortimer being a punāt prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driuen againe into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whome Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traiterously to be poysoned.³ Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdome, through the entreatie of Rowen hys wife, sent into Germanie againe for Engist, who eftsoones making his returne, came in wyth a name of 300. shippes wel appointed.⁴ The Nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared them selues to the contrary side in all forceable wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen hys daughter so laboured the king: excusing himselfe, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to worke any violence eyther against him or against his coūtrey, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet bene aliue, whom he minded to impugne for the kings sake, and to take hys part. And nowe for so much as he heareth of ye death of Vortimer hys enemie, hee therefore committeth both himselfe & his people to his disposition, to appoint how few or how many of thē he wold to remaine within his land: the rest should returne. And if it so pleased the King, to appoynt day & place, where they might meete and talke together of the matter, both he and his would stande to such order as the king with his counsaile should appoynt.

1. 1Example what it is to let in strange nations.Example what it is to let in straunge nations.
2. 2Marriage with Infidels what destruction it worketh.Maryage with Infidels what destruction it worketh.
3. 3The second return of Engist. into Britain.The second returne of Engist. into Brittayne.
4. 4The dissembling words of the Saxons to deceive the Britons.The dissembling words of the Saxons to deceaue the Brittaynes.

With these fair words the king and his nobles (well contented) did assign to them both day & place, which was in the town of Ambry: where he meant to talk with them, adding this condition with all, that each part should come without any manner of weapon. Engist showing him self well agreed thereto,¹ gave privy intelligence to his side, that each man should carry with him secretly in his hose a long knife, with their watch word also given unto them when they should draw their knives: wherewith every Saxon should (and so did) kill the Britain, with whom he talked, as is above declared. The Britain Lords being slain, the Saxons took Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransom they required to be delivered to them the City of London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, with other the most strongest holds within the land which being to them granted, they begin to make spoil & havoc of the Britain nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking down Churches, killing up the Priests, burning the Books of the holy Scripture, leaving nothing undone that tyranny could work, which was about the year of our Lord. 462. The King seeing this miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.

With these faire words the king and his nobles (wel contented) did assigne to them both day & place, which was in the towne of Ambry: where he ment to talke with them, adding thys condition wt all, that eche part shoulde come without any maner of weapon. Engist shewing him selfe well agreed thereto,¹ gaue priuy intelligence to his side, that eche man should cary wt him secretely in his hose a long knife, wt their watch worde also geuen vnto them whē they should draw their kniues: wherwith euery Saxon shoulde (and so did) kill the Britayne, wyth whō he talked, as is aboue declared. The Britaine Lords being slayne, the Saxons tooke Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransome they required to be deliuered to them the Cittie of London, Yorke, Lincolne, Winchester, wt other the most strongest holdes within the lande whych being to them graunted, they begin to make spoile & hauocke of the Britaine nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking downe Churches, killing vp the Priestes, burning the Bookes of the holy Scripture, leauing nothyng vndone that tyrannie could worke, whych was about the yeare of our Lorde. 462. The King seeing thys miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.

¹Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slain before in the time of Vortimer. The same also do record, that this Engist was taken prisoner in the field, fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius ▪ who then consulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Bishop of Gloucester, called Eldadus, ²standing up, gave this counsel, saying: that […] all men would deliver him, yet he with his own hands would cut him in pieces, alleging the example of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whom the said Samuel caused to be cut in pieces. Even so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without children: so his mother may be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the City by Eldo Consul or Major of Gloucester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be given to these our old Britain stories: whereof I have nothing certainly to pronounce, but that I may suspect the truth thereof, which was about the year of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.

¹Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slaine before in the time of Vortimer. The same also doe recorde, that thys Engist was taken prisoner in the fielde, fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius ▪ who then cōsulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Byshop of Glocester, called Eldadus, ²standing vp, gaue this counsaile, saying: that 〈…〉 all men would deliuer him, yet he with his owne hāds wold cut him in peeces, alleaging the exāple of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whome the sayde Samuel caused to be cut in peeces. Euen so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without childrē: so his mother mai be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the Citie by Eldo Consull or Maior of Glocester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be geuen to these our old Britaine stories: wherof I haue nothing certainly to pronoūce, but that I may suspect the truth therof, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.

A certain ancient written history I have in Latin, compiled in the .xiiij. year of king Richard the second, and by him caused to be written as the title declareth: which because it beareth no name of the author: I call it by the name of him of whom I borrowed this book,¹ with many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This history recordeth that Hengistus dyed in Kent the xxxii. year of his reign: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slain in the North. This Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned,² is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authority of Bede, to descend of the stock of the Romans: which as it is not unpossible to be true: so this is certain by the full accord of all our old written stories, that both the said Aurelius, and his brother Utter Pendragon being the sons of Constantinus, brother to Andoenus king of little Britain, were nursed and brought up in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbishop of London, and after the murder of Constans their elder brother, were conveyed from hence to little Britain: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in this land, and though their father were a Romaine as Polydorus pretendeth, yet like it is that they were Britons borne, and had a Britain to their mother.

A certaine auncient written history I haue in Latine, compiled in the .xiiij. yeare of king Richard the seconde, and by him caused to be writtē as the title declareth: whych because it beareth no name of the author: I cal it by the name of him of whom I borowed thys booke,¹ wyth many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This hystorie recordeth that Hengistus dyed in Kent the xxxii. yeare of hys raigne: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slaine in the North. Thys Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned,² is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authoritye of Bede, to descende of the stocke of the Romaines: whych as it is not vnpossible to be true: so this is certaine by the full accord of al our old wrytten stories, that both the sayde Aurelius, and his brother Vter Pendragon being the sonnes of Constantinus, brother to Andoenus king of litle Britaine, were nursed and brought vp in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbyshop of London, and after the murder of Constans their elder brother, were conueied from hence to litle Britaine: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in thys land, and though their father were a Romaine as Polydorus pretēdeth, yet lyke it is that they were Britains borne, and had a Britaine to their mother.

After the death of Aurelius, who (as the story sayeth) was poisoned by the crafty means of Pascentius, ¹son of Vortigernus (suborning one, under the weed of a Monk to play the Physician, and so to poison him) next succeeded his brother Utter, surnamed Pendragon, about the year of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa, ²took them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of prison returned into Germany for more aid. In this mean time daily recourse was of Saxons, with great companies coming out of Saxony: with whom the Britons had divers & sundry conflicts,³ sometimes winning, sometimes loosing. Not long after Octa & Cosa, renewing their power in Germany, in all most speedy hast did return again, and join with the other Saxons against the Britons. Here began the state of miserable Britain daily more and more to decay,⁴ while the idolatrous Saxons prevailed in number and strength against the Christian Britons: oppressing the people, throwing down Churches and Monasteries, murdering the Prelates, sparing neither age nor person, but wasting christianity almost through the whole realm. To these miseries it fell moreover that Utter their king was sick & could not come out. Notwithstanding being grieved with the lamentable destruction of his people, caused his bed to be brought into the camp, where God gave him victory: Octa & Cosa there being slain. After this victory in short space Utter died of poison (as is said) put into a fountain of water, whereof the king was wont to drink, about the year of our Lord. 516. Hor. Hist.

After the death of Aurelius, who (as the storie sayeth) was poysoned by the crafty meanes of Pascentius, ¹sonne of Vortigernus (suborning one, vnder the weede of a Monke to play the Phisicion, and so to poyson him) next succeeded hys brother Vter, surnamed Pendragon, about the yeare of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa, ²tooke them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of pryson returned into Germanie for more aid. In this meane time daily recourse was of Saxons, with great companies cōming out of Saxonie: with whom the Britains had diuers & sundry conflictes,

About which time and year,¹ came in Stuph and Wigarius two nephews of Certhice king of Westsaxons, with their companies so violently upon the Britons, that they of the West part of the realm, were not able to resist them. Then the merciful providence of almighty God, raised up for them King Arthur, ²the son of Utter: who was then crowned after him and victoriously reigned. To this Arthur the old Britain histories do ascribe xij. great victories against the Heathen Saxons: whose notorious & famous conquests, mentioned in the Britain stories, I leave them as I find them: referring them to the credit of their authors in whom they are found. Notwithstanding as I do not think contrary, but God by the foresaid Arthur, gave to the Britons some stay and quietness during his life,³ and certain of his successors: so touching certain of great victories & conquests, not only over this land, but also over all Europe, I judge them more fabulous, then that any credit should be given unto them, more worthy to be joined with the Iliads of Homer, then to have place in any Ecclesiastical history.⁴ After Arthur next King of the Britons, was Constantinus the third. After him Aurelius Conanus. Then Vortiporius, after whom followed Malgo, noted in stories to be a Sodomite. And after him the last King of the Britons, was Carecius, all given to Civill war, execrable to God & man. Who being chased out by the Britons themselves, the land fell to the possession of the Saxons: about the year of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the Christian ministers of the Britons, were then utterly driven out: In so much that Theonus Archbishop ⟨p. 114⟩of London,⁵ & Thadeoseus Archbishop of York, seeing their Churches all wasted, and Parishes dispersed, with their carriages and monuments: left their seas in Britain, and fled into Cambria, which we now call Wales. Touching which matter, and touching also the cause of this desolation & ruin of the Britons kingdom, the first fountain & origin thereof partly before is declared, where was showed in the time of Constantinus Magnus and Maximinian, pag. 108. how these noble Princes with other moe, achieving their venturous affairs in other countries, took with them great multitudes & armies out of Britain:

through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly impaired and deprived of his most chief and principal nobles, being carried away to serve in foreign wars. Which was no small cause, why the realm of Britain (being so wasted) was the less able to help it self against their enemies. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherefore God by his just judgement, suffered this plague and overthrow to fall upon that people, as here out of an old author,¹ and partly out of Gildas, as I have found it, so I thought to annex it in his own words, first in Latin, then afterward Englishing the same, for the more credit of that which shall be alleged, in tenor as followeth.

through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly empaired and depriued of his most chiefe and principall nobles, being caried away to serue in forreine warres. Whyche was no small cause, why the realme of Britaine (being so wasted) was the lesse able to helpe it selfe against theyr enemyes. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherfore God by his iust iudgement, suffered this plague and ouerthrow to fall vpon that people, as here out of an olde author,¹ and partly out of Gildas, as I haue found it, so I thought to annexe it in hys owne woordes, first in Latine, then afterwarde Englishing the same, for the more credite of that which shalbe alleaged, in tenour as foloweth.

1. 1Ex historia quadam Cariensi.

Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ•ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebant, ¹qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent, extulerunt se ultra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā divitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulgere, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, ut Gildas historicus testatur, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni evertit statū, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: ungebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent. Si quis verò eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia, telaque torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant equally lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eiusque pastores sine discretione faciebant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.

Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ•ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebāt, ¹qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent, extulerunt se vltra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā diuitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulgere, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, vt Gildas historicus testatur, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni euertit statū, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: vngebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent. Si quis verò eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia, telaque torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eiusque pastores sine discretione faciebant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.

1. 1The causes of the destruction of the Brit. declared.

¹In English thus: The nobles of this realm following the Princes and Captains above named: by the reason thereof the vulgar and rascal sort remained behind at home. Who when they had gotten the rooms and places of the nobles, they advanced them selves above that their dignity required. And through their abundance of riches, they surprised with pride, began to fall into such & so great fornication, as was never heard of even among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Historiographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into all manner of wickedness, whereto mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the overthrow of all good estates, the hatred of the truth, love of lies, embracing of evil in stead of goodness, regarding of mischief in stead of virtue, receiving of the devil in stead of an Angel of light. They anointed kings not such as could well rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceived to be somewhat more humble or meek, or to be more inclined to favour the trueth then the residue, him did every one hate and backbite as the overthrower and destroyer of Britain. All things whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alike. And not secular men only did this. but also the congregation of the Lord and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marvelled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kind should lose that country, which they had after this manner defiled.

¹In English thus: The nobles of this realme folowing the Princes and Captaines aboue named: by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascall sorte remained behinde at home. Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles, they aduanced them selues aboue that their dignitie required. And through their aboundāce of riches, they surprised wyth pride, began to fal into such & so great fornication, as was neuer heard of euen among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into al maner of wickednes, wherto mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the ouerthrow of al good estates, the hatred of the truth, loue of lies, imbracing of euil in stead of goodnesse, regardyng of mischiefe in stead of vertue, receauing of the deuill in stead of an Angell of light. They annoynted kings not such as could wel rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceaued to be somewhat more humble or meeke, or to be more inclined to fauour the trueth then the residue, him did euery one hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and destroyer of Brittayne. All thinges whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alyke. And not secular men onely did this. but also the congregation of the Lorde and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marueiled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kinde should lose that countrey, which they had after this maner defiled.

And thus much hitherto concerning the history of the Britons, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shall bring us hereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Now remaineth, in returning again to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table above we have summarily comprehended.

And thus much hetherto concerning the history of the Britaines, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shal bring vs heereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Nowe remaineth, in returning againe to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table aboue we haue sommarely comprehended.

In this order and race of the Saxon kings, above specified which had thus thrust out the Britons, & now divided their land in seven kingdoms: as there were many naughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on war and bloodshed, are greatly to be detested and eschewed of all true godly Princes) so some there were again (although but few) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slain in war, or murdered in peace, or else constrained to make him self a monk. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we should impute it to the corruption of mans nature, or to the just judgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not only vexed of the Danes, and conquered at last by the Normans: but also more cruelly devoured them selves, one warring still against an other, till they were neither able to help themselves, nor yet to resist others. Of them which are noted for good among these Saxon kings,¹ the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent above specified, who by the means of Austen, and partly through his wife, named Berda, first received and preferred the Christian faith, in all this land of the English Saxons, whereof more followeth hereafter to be said (the Lord so permitting) as place and opportunity shall require. The next place I give to Oswaldus of Northumberland, who not only did his endeavour in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himself to stand up and interpret to his nobles & subjects the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same commendation also, like as in the same line, cometh his uncle Edwin, king of Northumberland, a good Prince, and the first receiver of Christs faith in that land, by the means of his wife, and Paulinus Bishop. Add to these also Sigebert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whom the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter up of schools: the other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was nephew to Ethelbert of Kent, under whom he ruled in Essex.

In this order and rase of the Saxon kings, aboue specified which had thus thrust out the Britones, & now deuided their land in seuen kingdomes: as there were many noughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on warre and bloudshed, are greatly to be detested and eschued of all true godly Princes) so some there were againe (although but fewe) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slaine in warre, or murdered in peace, or els constrained to make him selfe a monke. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we shuld impute it to the corruption of mans nature, or to the iust iudgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not onely vexed of the Danes, and cōquered at last by the Normās: but also more cruelly deuoured them selues, one warring still agaynst an other, till they were neyther able to helpe themselues, nor yet to resist others. Of thē which are noted for good among these Saxon kings,

By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the said Sebert the Church of Pauls was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the advise of his counsel persuaded to marriage (though against his will) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride his daughter, where the good king meaning innocently through the sinister and devilish counsel of king Offa his wife, was secretly beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be given to S. Peters church in Rome.

By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the sayd Sebert the Church of Paules was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the aduise of his counsaile perswaded to mariage (though against his wil) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride hys daughter, wher the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsaile of king Offa hys wife, was secretely beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be geuen to S. Peters church in Rome.

In the Catalogue of these good kings is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:¹ of the which ij. the first was falsely & abominably circumvented & beheaded, by the means of his cruel sister and his tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other which is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slain at Bury, or as some write at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: upon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings blood, & being with his Hawk on the sea side in a little boat, was driven by force of weather into the coast of Norfolk, where he being presented to king Edmund, was retained in his Court with great favour: till at length one Bericke the kings Falconer, envying and despiting him, for his great dexterity in that faculty, privily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boat alone without all tackling, to be committed unto the Sea: and as it chanced so, was driven into Denmark, who there being seen in Lothbrockes boat, was straitly examined of the party. He then to excuse himself, falsely said he was slain by the commandment of the king. Upon the occasion whereof Inguar and Hubba sons to the said Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, invaded first Northumberland: after that bursting into Norfolk on every side, sent this message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dread both by sea and land) as he had subject divers other lands under him,² so arriving now to the coasts of Norfolk, where he intē death to winter: chargeth and commandeth him to divide with him his old treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule under him: which if he would not do, but would contemn his power so strongly furnished with such an army, he should be judged as unworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonished thereat, calling his counsel about him, consulted with them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretary, what was best to be done: who fearing the kings life, exhorted him by words & divers examples to agree to the message.

In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:

At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made answer again in these words, saying: Go (saith he) tell your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the love of this temporal life, will not subject him self to a Pagan Duke, unless before he become a Christian, &c. The messenger taking his answer was not so soon out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring his answer, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetford, there pitched a field with the Danes, but the Danes prevailing,¹ the good king from thence did fly to the Castle of Halesdon above mentioned: where he being pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bound to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes, saying: Go (saith he) tel your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the loue of this temporal life, wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke, vnles before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys answere, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitcht a field with the Danes, but the Danes preuailing,¹ the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned: where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bounde to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

1. 1The martyrdom of K. Edmund in Norfolk.The martirdome of K. Edmund in Northfolke.