A67922:1556
A67922:1556
Acts and monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church. [vol. 1] with an universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperors, as now lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland. Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the help of Christ our Lord) John Fox, which desireth thee good reader to help him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
London: printed by John Daye, 1583London: printed by Iohn Daye, 1583
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the said Sebert the Church of Pauls was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the advise of his counsel persuaded to marriage (though against his will) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride his daughter, where the good king meaning innocently through the sinister and devilish counsel of king Offa his wife, was secretly beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be given to S. Peters church in Rome.
By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the sayd Sebert the Church of Paules was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the aduise of his counsaile perswaded to mariage (though against his wil) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride hys daughter, wher the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsaile of king Offa hys wife, was secretely beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be geuen to S. Peters church in Rome.
In the Catalogue of these good kings is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:1 of the which ij. the first was falsely & abominably circumvented & beheaded, by the means of his cruel sister and his tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other which is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slain at Bury, or as some write at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: upon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings blood, & being with his Hawk on the sea side in a little boat, was driven by force of weather into the coast of Norfolk, where he being presented to king Edmund, was retained in his Court with great favour: till at length one Bericke the kings Falconer, envying and despiting him, for his great dexterity in that faculty, privily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boat alone without all tackling, to be committed unto the Sea: and as it chanced so, was driven into Denmark, who there being seen in Lothbrockes boat, was straitly examined of the party. He then to excuse himself, falsely said he was slain by the commandment of the king. Upon the occasion whereof Inguar and Hubba sons to the said Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, invaded first Northumberland: after that bursting into Norfolk on every side, sent this message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dread both by sea and land) as he had subject divers other lands under him,2 so arriving now to the coasts of Norfolk, where he intē death to winter: chargeth and commandeth him to divide with him his old treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule under him: which if he would not do, but would contemn his power so strongly furnished with such an army, he should be judged as unworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonished thereat, calling his counsel about him, consulted with them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretary, what was best to be done: who fearing the kings life, exhorted him by words & divers examples to agree to the message.
In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:1 of the which ij. the first was falsely & abhominably circumuented & beheaded, by the meanes of his cruell sister and hys tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other whych is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slaine at Bury, or as some wryte at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: vpon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings bloud, & being with his Hawke on the sea side in a litle boat, was driuen by force of weather into the coast of Northfolke, wher he being presented to king Edmūd, was retained in his Court with great fauour: til at length one Bericke the kings Fawkner, enuying and despiting hym, for his great dexteritie in that facultie, priuily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boate alone without all tackling, to be cōmitted vnto the Sea: and as it chāced so, was driuen into Denmarke, who there being seene in Lothbrockes boate, was straitly examined of the partie. He then to excuse himselfe, falsly sayd he was slaine by the cōmandement of the king. Upō the occasion wherof Inguar and Hubba sonnes to the sayde Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, inuaded first Northūberland: after that bursting into Northfolke on euery side, sent thys message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dreade both by sea and lande) as he had subiect diuers other landes vnder him,2 so arriuing now to the coasts of Northfolke, where he intē deth to winter: chargeth and commaundeth him to deuide with him his olde treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule vnder him: which if he would not do, but wold cō temne his power so strōgly furnished wyth such an army, he should be iudged as vnworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonyshed therat, calling his coūsaile about hym, consulted wt them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretarie, what was best to be done: who fearing the kinges life, exhorted him by wordes & diuers examples to agree to the message.
At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made answer again in these words, saying: Go (saith he) tell your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the love of this temporal life, will not subject him self to a Pagan Duke, unless before he become a Christian, &c. The messenger taking his answer was not so soon out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring his answer, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetford, there pitched a field with the Danes, but the Danes prevailing,1 the good king from thence did fly to the Castle of Halesdon above mentioned: where he being pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bound to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.
At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes, saying: Go (saith he) tel your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the loue of this temporal life, wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke, vnles before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys answere, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. ⟨p. 115⟩Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitcht a field with the Danes, but the Danes preuailing,1 the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned: where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bounde to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.
Now as concerning those kings which made them selves Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & strange,1 and much commended of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their commendation, albeit the case thereof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find more ease, and less trouble thereby: I see not how that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to change his public vocation, for respect of private commodity. If fear of jeopardy & danger did drive them thereunto: what praise and commendation they deserve, in so doing let the monkish histories judge what they list: me seemeth so much praise as they deserve in providing their own safety, so much they deserve again to be discō mended in forsaking the common wealth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holiness sake, thinking in that kind of life to serve and please God better: or to merit more toward their salvation then in the estate of a king, therein they were far deceived: not knowing tha• the salvation which cometh of God, is to be measured & esteemed, not by mans merits, or by any perfection of life or by difference of any vocation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospel, which freely justifieth all them, that faithfully believe in Christ Jesus. But here will be said again peradventure, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of evils, then in kings courts, wherefore that life serveth more to holiness,2 & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasions of evil is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwise, where duty & charge bindeth to tarry, there to avoid the occasions of evil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakness of the man, than deserveth any praise. As it is truly said of Tully: Out of Asia, saith he, to live, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasions of evils abound, there to live a good man that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to change the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keep his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hitherto sufficient.
1These things now thus premised, concerning the order & reign of kings, as is above prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such things, as in the time and reign of the foresaid kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader again in mind of the former persecutions within the realm, partly before touched in the time of the Britain kings, which specially were three or four before the coming of Austen into England.
1These things now thus premised, concerning the order & raigne of kinges, as is aboue prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such thinges, as in the time and raigne of the foresaide kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader againe in minde of the former persecutions within the realme, partly before touched in the time of the Britaine kinges, which speciallye were three or foure before the commyng of Austen into Englande.
1, The first was under Diocletian, and that not only in England but generally throughout all the Romaine Monarchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Albanus Julius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britons, were martyred for Christs name.
1, The first was vnder Dioclesian, and that not onely in England but generally throughout al the Romaine Monarchie, as is aboue specified. In this persecution Albanus Iulius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britanes, were martyred for Christes name.
2. The second persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the invading of Gnavius and Melga, whereof, the first was captain of the Huns, the other of the Picts. These two tyrants, after the cruel slaughter of Ursula, and other. 11000 noble virgins, made their rode into Britain hearing the same to be destitute of the strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christs Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.
2. The seconde persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the inuading of Gnauius and Melga, whereof, the first was captaine of the Hunnes, the other of ye Pictes. These two tyrauntes, after the cruell slaughter of Vrsula, and other. 11000 noble virgines, made their rode into Brytaine hearyng the same to be destitute of ye strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christes Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.
3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxons: who likewise destroyed and wasted the christen congregations within the land, like raging Wolves fleeing upon the sheep, & spilling the blood of Christians, till Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored again the Churches destroyed.
3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxones: who likewise destroied and wasted the christen congregations within the lande, like raging Wolues fleeyng vpon the sheepe, & spilling the bloud of Christians, til Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored againe the Churches destroyed.
4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africans: who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much grievance to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Bishop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of York, with the rest of the people so many as were left, having no place wherein to remain with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountains of Wales about the year of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.
4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who ioyning in league with the Saxons, wrought much greuaunce to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Byshop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of Yorke, with the rest of the people so many as were left, hauing no place wherin to remaine with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountaines of Wales about the yere of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.
In the reign of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the means of Gregory bishop of Rome, in manner and order as here followeth, out of old histories collected and recorded.
In the raigne of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first receaued of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the meanes of Gregory bishop of Rome, in maner and order as here foloweth, out of old histories collected and recorded.
First then to join the order of our history together: The Christen faith first received of king Lucius, endured in Britain till this time, near upon the season of CCCC. years and odd: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is said) fighting with the Saxons against the Britons, it was near extinct in all the land, during the space about forty four years.1 So that the first springing of Christs Gospel in this land, was an. 180. The coming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The coming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entering in of the Saxons to their complete conquest, and the driving out of the Britons (which was about the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. years.2 In sum from Christ to Lucius were, 180. years. The continuance of the gospel from Lucius to the entering of the Saxons was 302. years. The decay of the same to the entering of Austen, was. 143. years which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. years. In this year then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion whereupon Gregory sent him hither was this.
First then to ioyne the order of our history together: The Christē faith first receiued of king Lucius, endured in Britaine till this time, neare vpon the season of CCCC. yeares and odde: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is saide) fyghting wyth the Saxons against the Brytaynes, it was neare extinct in all the land, duryng the space about fortie foure yeares.1 So that the first springing of Christes Gospell in thys lande, was an. 180. The comming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The comming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entring in of the Saxons to their complet conquest, and the driuing out of the Brytanes (which was aboute the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. yeares.2 In summe from Christ to Lucius were, 180. yeares. The continuaunce of the gospel frō Lucius to the entring of the Saxons was 302. yeares. The decay of the same to the entring of Austen, was. 143. yeares which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. yeares. In this yeare then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion wherupon Gregory sent him hether was this.
In the days of Pelagius Bishop of Rome,1 Gregory chancing to see certain children in the market place of Rome (brought thither to be sold out of England) being fair and beautiful of visage,2 demanded out of what country they were: and understanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of the land being so beautiful and Angelical, so to be subject under the Prince of darkness. And asking moreover out of what province they were it was answered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsaxons: whereof as it is to be thought, that which we now call Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be delivered de Deiira, which is from Gods wrath, Moreover understanding the kings name of that province to be All (above mentioned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the living God.3 Whereupon being moved and desirous to go and help the conversion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romans for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterward being Bishop himself next after Pelagius, he sent thither the foresaid Austen with other preachers near about to the number of xl. But by the way, how it happened I cannot say: As Austen with his company were passing in their journey, such a sudden fear entered in their harts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other write that Austen was sent back to Gregory again, to release them of that voyage so dangerous and uncertain, amongst such a barbarous people: whose language neither they knew, nor whose rudeness they were able to resist. Then Gregory with pithy persuasions confirming and comforting him, sent him again with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to help and aide the said Austen, 4and his company in all whatsoever his need required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine, unto his fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenor of the said Epistle here following may appear.
In the daies of Pelagius Byshop of Rome,1
Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,1 seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In English. Gregory the servant of Gods servants, to the servants of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hand, then after they be begun, to think to revolt back from the same again therefore now you may not nor cannot (dear children) but with all fervent study and labour, must needs go forward in that good business, which through the help of God you have well begun. Neither let the labour of your journey, nor the slanderous tongues of men appal you, but that with all instance and fervency ye proceed, and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand: knowing that your great travel shall be recompensed with reward of greater glory hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austen to you again, whom also we have ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your souls, whatsoever at his admonition ye shall do. Almighty God with his grace defend you and grant me to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labour, that although I can not labour as I would with you,2 yet I may be found partaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same fellowship with you together. The Lord God keep you safe, most dear and well-beloved children. Dated the x before the Calends ⟨p. 116⟩of August, in the reign of our sovereign Lord Mauritius most virtuous Emperor, the .xiiij. of his Empire.
Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,1 seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In Englishe. Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts, to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande, then after they be begon, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot (deare children) but with all feruent study and labor, must needes go forward in that good busines, which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne. Neither let the labor of your iourney, nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you, but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede, and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande: knowing that your great trauell shalbe recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come. Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe, whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules, whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe. Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour, that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you,
1Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good words of Gregory, sped forth their journey till they came at length to the Isle of Thene• ▪ lying upon the East side of Kent. Near to the which landing place, was then the Manor or palace of the king, not far from Sandwich (Eastward from Canterbury) which the inhabitants of the Isle,2 then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walls is yet to be seen. The king then reigning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as above appeareth, the fifth King of that province: who at that time had Married to wife a French woman being Christened,3 named Berda: whom he had received of her parents upon this condition, that he should permit her with her Bishop committed unto her, called Lebardus, to enjoy the freedom of her faith and Religion: by the means whereof he was more flexible, and sooner induced to embrace the preaching and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen being arrived sent forth certain messengers and interpreters to the King, signifying that such a one was come from Rome, bringing with him glad tidings to him and all his people, of life and salvation eternally to reign in heaven, with the only true and living God, for ever: if he would so willingly hearken to the same, as he was gladly come to preach and teach it unto him.
1Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good wordes of Gregory, sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the Ile of Thene• ▪ lying vpon the East side of Kent. Neare to the which landing place, was then the Manory or palace of the king, not farre from Sandwiche (Eastward from Caunterbury) which the inhabitauntes of the Isle,2 then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene. The king then raigning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as aboue appeareth, the fifte King of that prouince: who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened,
The King, who had heard of this Religion before by means of his wife, within a few days after cometh to the place where Austen was to speak with him: but that should be without the house, after the manner of his law. Austen against his coming, as stories affirm, erected up a banner of the crucifix (such was then the grossness of that time) and preached to him the word of God.1 The King answering again saith in effect as followeth: the words be very fair that you preach and promise. Nevertheless, because it is to me uncouth and new, I can not soon start away from my country law wherewith I have been so long inured and assent to you.2 Albeit yet notwithstanding for ye ye are come, as ye say, so far for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be right well entreated, having all things to you ministered necessary for your supportatiō. Besides this, neither do we debar you, but to have free leave to preach to our people and subjects to convert, whom ye may to the faith of your Religion.
The King, who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife, within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him: but that shoulde be without the house, after the maner of his lawe. Austen against his cōming, as stories affirme, erected vp a banner of the crucifixe (such was then the grosenes of that tyme) and preached to him the word of God.1 The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth: the words be very faire that you preach and promise. Neuerthelesse, because it is to me vncoth and new, I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you.2 Albeit yet notwithstanding for ye ye are come, as ye saye, so farre for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be rightwell intreated, hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō. Besydes this, neither doe we debarre you, but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert, whō ye may to the faith of your Religion.
When they had received this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the City of Dorobernia, or Canterbury, singing Alleluia with the Litany, which then by Gregory, had been used at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning then at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The words of the Litany were these:1 Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, ut auferatur furor tuus & ira tua a civitate ista, & de domo sancta tua: quoniam peccavimus. Alleluia. That is. We beseech thee O Lord in all thy mercies, that thy fury and anger may cease from this City, & from thy holy house for we have sinned. Alleluia. Thus they entering in the City of Dorobernia, the head City of all that dominion at that time, where the king had given them a mansion for there abode: there they continued preaching and baptising such as they had converted in the east side of the City in the old church of S. Martin (where the Queen was wont to resort) unto the time that the king was converted himself to Christ. At length when the king had well considered the honest conversation of their life,2 and moved with the miracles wrought through gods hand by them, he heard them more gladly, and lastly by their wholesome exhortations, and example of godly life he was by them converted and christened in the year above specified. 586. and the 36. year of his reign. After the King was thus converted, innumerable other daily came in, & were adjoined to the Church of Christ: whom the King did specially embrace but compelled none: for so he had learned that the faith and service of Christ ought to be voluntary, and not coacted. Then he gave to Austen a place for his Bishops sea at Christs Church in Dorobernia, & builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paul,3 in the East side of the said City, where after Austen, and all the Kings of Kent were buried, and that place is now called S. Austen.
When they had receaued this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia, or Caunterbury, singyng Alleluya with the Letanie, which then by Gregory, had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The wordes of the Letany were these:1
Now as concerning those kinges which made them selues Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & straung,1 and much commēded of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their cōmendation, albeit the case therof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monkes, if they did it to finde more ease, and lesse trouble thereby: I see not howe that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to chaunge his publike vocation, for respect of priuat commodity. If feare of ieoperdy & daunger did driue them therunto: what praise and commendation they deserue, in so doing let the monkish histories iudge what they lyste: me seemeth so much prayse as they deserue in prouiding their owne safetie, so much they deserue againe to be discō mended in forsaking the common welth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holinesse sake, thinking in that kinde of life to serue and please God better: or to merite more toward their saluaciō then in the estate of a king, therin they were far deceaued: not knowing tha• the saluation which cōmeth of God, is to be measured & estemed, not by mans merits, or by any perfectiō of life or by differēce of any vocation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospell, which freely iustifieth all them, that faythfully beleeue in Christ Iesu. But here will be saide againe peraduenture, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of euils, then in kings courtes, wherefore that lyfe serueth more to holines,2 & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I aunswere, to auoid the occasions of euill is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwyse, where duety & charge bindeth to tary, there to auoyde the occasiōs of euil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakenes of the man, thē deserueth any praise. As it is truely saide of Tullie: Out of Asia, saith he, to liue, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasiōs of euils abound, there to liue a good mā that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to chaunge the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keepe his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hetherto sufficient.