A67926:4478
Acts and monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperors, as now lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland. Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the help of Christ our Lord) John Fox, which desireth thee good reader to help him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
London: printed by John Daye, 1583London: printed by Iohn Daye, 1583
No title page in the transcription: set from the catalogue record.
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
Upon Whitsunday following, at after noon,1 was Marbecke sent for once again to S. Mary Overs, where he found D. Oking with an other gentleman in a gown of Damask, with a chain of gold about his neck (no more in all the church but they two) sitting together in one of the stalls, their backs toward the church door, looking upon an Epistle of M. John Calvins, which Marbecke had written out. And when they saw the prisoner come, they rose and had him up to a side alter, leaving his keeper in the body of the church alone. Now as soon as Marbecke saw the face of a gentleman (which before he knew not by reason of his apparel) he saw it was the same person that first examined him in the Marshalsea, and did also cause him to write in the Bishops gallery, but never knew his name, till now he heard Doct. Oking call him M. Knight. This M. Knight held forth the paper to Marbecke and said, look upon this, and tell me whose hand it is. When Marbecke had taken the paper,2 & seen what it was, he confessed it to be all his hand saving the first leaf, and the notes in the margin Then I perceive, quoth Knight, thou wilt not go from thine own hand. No Sir quoth he, I will deny nothing that I have done. Thou doest well in that, quoth Knight, for if thou shouldest, we have testimonies enough besides, to try out thy hand by: but I pray thee tell me, whose hand is the last leaf? That I cannot tell you, quoth Marbecke. Then how camest thou by it, quoth Knight? Forsooth I will tell you quoth he. There was a priest dwelling with us upon a v. or .vi. years ago, called Marshall: who sent it unto me with the first leaf written, desiring me to write it out with speed, because the copy could not be spared past an hour or twain and so I wrote it out, and sent him both the copy and it again.
VPon Whitsonday following, at after noone,1 was Marbecke sent for once againe to S. Mary Ouers, where he found D. Oking with an other gentleman in a gowne of Damaske, with a cheyne of gold about his neck (no mo in all the churche but they two) sitting together in one of the stalles, their backes toward the church dore, lookyng vpon an Epistle of M. Iohn Caluins, whiche Marbecke had written out. And when they sawe the prisoner come, they rose and had him vp to a side alter, leauing his keeper in the body of the church alone. Nowe as soone as Marbecke saw the face of a gentleman (which before he knewe not by reason of his apparell) he saw it was the same person that first examined him in the Marshalsey, and did also cause him to write in the Bishoppes gallery, but neuer knew his name, till now he heard Doct. Oking call hym M. Knight. This M. Knight helde foorth the paper to Marbecke and sayd, looke vppon this, and tell me whose hand it is. When Marbecke had taken the paper,2 & seene what it was, he confessed it to be all his hand sauing ye first leafe, and the notes in the margent Thē I perceiue, quoth Knight, thou wilt not go from thine owne hand. No Sir quoth he, I will deny nothing that I haue done. Thou doest well in that, quoth Knight, for if thou shouldest, we haue testimonies enough besides, to trye out thy hand by: but I pray thee tell me, whose hand is the last leafe? That I cannot tell you, quoth Marbecke. Thē how camest thou by it, quoth Knight? Forsooth I will tell you quoth he. There was a prieste dwelling with vs vppon a v. or .vi. yeares ago, called Marshall: who sent it vnto me with the first leafe written, desiring mee to write it out with speede, because the copy could not be spared past an houre or twain and so I wrote it out, and sent him both the copye and it agayne.
And how came this hand in the margin, quoth he, which is a contrary hand to both the other? That I will tell you, quoth Marbecke▪ When I wrote it out at the first, I made so much hast of it, that I understood not the matter: wherefore I was desirous to see it again, and to read it with more deliberation, and being sent to me the second time, it was thus coted in the margin as ye see. And shortly after this, it was his chance to go beyond the seas (where he lived not long) by reason whereof the Epistle remaineth with me: but whether the first leaf, or the notes in the margin were▪ his hand, or whose hand else,1 that I cannot tell. Tush, quoth D. Oking to M. Knight, he knoweth well enough, that the notes be Heynes own hand, If you know so much, quoth Marb. ye know more then I do, for I tell you truly I know it not. By my faith Marbecke, quoth Knight, if thou wilt not tell by fair means: those fingers of thine shall be made to tell.2 By my truth Sir, quoth Marbecke, if ye do tear the whole body in pieces (I trust in God) ye shall never make me accuse ⟨p. 1218⟩man wrongfully. If thou be so stubborn, quoth D. O king, thou wilt die for it. Dye M. Okyng, quoth he? Wherefore should I die. You told me the last day before the Bishops, that as soon as I had made an end of the piece of Concordance they took me, I should be delivered, and shall I now die? This is a sudden mutation. You seemed then to be my friend: but I know the cause, ye have red the ballet I made of Moses chair, and that hath set you against me, but when soever ye shall put me to death, I doubt not to dye Gods true man and the kings. How so, quoth Knight? how canst thou die a true man unto the king, when thou hast offended his laws? Is not this Epistle, and most of thy notes thou hast written, directly against the 6. articles? No sir quoth Marbecke: I have not offended the kings laws therein: for since the first time I began with the Concordance (which is almost 6. years ago) I have been occupied in nothing else:3 So that both this Epistle, and all the notes I have gathered, were written a great while before the 6. Articles came forth, and are clearly remitted by the kings general pardon. Trust not to that, quoth Knight, for it will not help thee. No I warrant him, quoth Doct.
Okyng, and so going down to the body of the church, they committed him to his keeper, who had him away to prison again.
Okyng, and so going downe to the body of the church, they committed him to his keeper, who had him away to prison againe.
IN like manner, the wife of Filmer knowing her husbands trouble to be only procured of malice by Simons his old enemy, made great suit and labour unto the Bishops which were commissioners, desiring no more of them, but that it would please their goodness to examine her husband before them,1 and to hear him make his purgation. This was her only request to every of the Bishops from day to day, wheresoever she could find them. In so much that two of the Bishops (Ely and Harforde) were very sorry (considering the importune and reasonable suit of the woman) that it lay not in them to help her. Thus travailing long up and down from one to an other, to have her husband examined,2 it was her chance at the last to find the Bishops all three together in the Bishop of Ely his place, unto whom she said: O good my Lords for the love of God, let now my poor husband be brought forth before you, while ye be here all togethers. For truly my Lords, there can nothing be justly laid against him, but that of malicious envy and spite, Simons hath wrought him this trouble. And you my Lord of Salisbury, quoth the poor woman, can testify (if it would please your lordship to say the truth) what malice Simons bare to my husband when they were both before you at Salisbury (little more then a year ago) for the Vicar of Windsors matter. For as your Lordship knoweth, when my husband had certified you of the Priests sermone, which you said was plain heresy: then came Symons (after the Priest himself had confessed it) and would have defended the priests error before your Lordship, and have had my husband punished. At what time it pleased your Lordship to commend and praise my husband for his honesty, and to rebuke Symons for maintaining the Priest in his error, & thereupon commanded the priest to recant his heresy at his coming home to Windsor. This (my Lord) you know to be true. And now my Lords, quoth the woman, it is most certain, that for this cause only did Symons evermore afterward threaten my husband to be even with him. Therefore good my Lords, call my husband before you, and hear him speak: and if ye find any other matter against him then this that I have told you, let me suffer death. Is this so my Lord, quoth the B. of Ely and Harforde? and the other could not deny it. Then they spake Latin to the B.
IN lyke maner, ye wife of Filmer knowing her husbands trouble to be only procured of malice by Simons his old ennemie, made great sute and labour vnto the Byshops which were commissioners, desiring no more of them, but that it would please their goodnes to examine her husband before them,
of Salisbury, and he to them, & so departed. For the matter was so wrought between Doctor London and Symons, that Filmer could never be suffered to come before the Commissioners to be examined.1
of Salisbury, and he to them, & so departed. For the matter was so wrought betweene Doctor London and Symons, that Filmer could neuer be suffred to come before the Commissioners to be examined.1
1When the time drew nigh that the kings majesty (who was newly married to that good and virtuous Lady Katherine Part) should make his progress abroad,2 the foresaid Steven Gardiner B. of Winchester had so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a swing about the king, as he did. Wherewith the Gospellers were so quailed, that the best of them all looked every hour to be clapped in the neck. For the saying went abroad, that the B. had bent his bow to shoot at some of the head Dear: but in the mean time 3. or 4. of the poor rascals were caught, that is to say, Anthony Person, Henry Filmer, and John Marbecke, and sent to Windsor by the sheriffs men,3 the Saturday before S. James day, and laid fast in the towns Gail: and Testwood (who had kept his bed) brought out of his house upon crouches, and laid with them. But as for Bennet, (which should have been the fifth man) his chance was to be sick of the Pestilence, and having a great sore upon him, was left behind in the bish. of London's gaile, whereby he escaped the fire.
1WHen the time drewe nie that the kings maiestie (who was newly maried to that good and vertuous Ladie Katherine Parre) should make his progresse abroade,2 the foresayde Steuen Gardiner B. of Winchester had so compassed hys matters, that no man bare so great a swinge about the king, as he did. Wherewith the Gospellers were so quailed, that the best of them all looked euery houre to be clapt in the necke. For the saying went abroad, that the B. had bent his bowe to shoote at some of the head Deare: but in the meane time 3. or 4. of the poore rascals were caught, that is to saye, Anthony Person, Henry Filmer, and Iohn Marbecke, and sent to Wyndsore by the sheriffes men,3 the Saterday before S. Iames day, and laid fast in the towns Gaile: and Testwood (who had kept his bed) brought out of his house vpō crouches, and laide with them. But as for Bennet, (whych should haue bene the fift man) hys chance was to be sicke of the Pestilence, and hauing a greate sore vpon him, was left behinde in the bish. of Londons gaile, whereby he escaped the fire.
Now these men being brought to Windsor, there was a sessions special procured to be holden the Thursday after, which was S. Annes day. Against the which Sessions (by the counsel of D. London and Symons) were all the farmers belonging to the College of Windsor, warned to appear: because they could not pike out Papists enough in the town, to go upon the jury. The judges that day were these.
Now these men being brought to Wyndsore, there was a sessions speciall procured to be holdē the Thursday after, which was S. Annes day. Against the which Sessions (by the counsell of D. London and Symons) were all the farmers belonging to the Colledge of Wyndesore, warned to appeare: because they coulde not pike oute Papistes enough in the towne, to go vpon the iury. The iudges that day were these.
Doctor Capon Bishop of Salisbury. Sir William Essex Knight, Sir Thomas Bridges Knight.1 Sir Humphrey Foster Knight. Master Franklen Dean of Windsor. And Fachel of Reading.
Doctor Capon Bishop of Salisburie. Syr William Essex Knight, Syr Thomas Bridges Knight.1 Syr Humfrey Foster Knight. Maister Franklen Deane of Wyndsore. And Fachel of Reading.
When these had taken their places, and the prisoners brought forth before them, then Robert Ockam occupying for that day the Clarke of peace his room, called Anthony Person, according to the manner of the Court,1 and red his Indictment, which was this.
When these had taken theyr places, and the prisonners brought forth before them, then Robert Ockam occupying for that day the Clarke of peace his •oume, called Anthony Person, according to the maner of the Courte,1 and red hys Inditement, which was this.
First, that he should preach two years before, in a place called Wyngfield, and there should say:1 that like as Christ was hanged between two thieves, even so when the priest is at mass, and hath consecrated and lifted him up over his head, then he hangeth between 2. thieves, except he preach the word of God truly, as he hath taken upon him to do.
First, that he should preach two yeares before, in a place called Wyngfield, and there should say:1 that like as Christe was hanged betwene two theeues, euen so whē the priest is at masse, and hath cōsecrated and lifted him vp ouer hys head, then he hangeth betweene 2. theues, except he preach the word of God truely, as he hath taken vpon hym to do.
Also that he said to the people in the Pulpit: ye shall not eat the body of Christ, as it did hang upon the Cross, gnawing it with your teeth, that the blood run about your lips, but you shall eat him this day, as ye eat him to morrow, the next day, and every day: for it refresheth not the body, but the soul.
Also that he sayde to the people in the Pulpet: yee shall not eate the body of Christ, as it did hang vpon the Crosse, gnawing it with your teeth, that the bloude runne aboute your lippes, but you shall eate him thys day, as ye eat him to morow, the next day, and euery day: for it refresheth not the body, but the soule.
Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it the word of God, he said as followeth: This is the word, this is the bread, this is the body of Christ.
Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it the word of God, he sayd as foloweth: This is the word, this is the bread, this is the body of Christ.
Also he said, that Christ sitting with his Disciples, took bread, and blessed, and brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying: Take and eat it. This is my body. What is this to us, but to take the Scripture of God, and to break it to the people.
Also hee sayde, that Christ sittinge with hys Disciples, tooke bread, and blessed, and brake it, and gaue it to his disciples, saying: Take and eate it. This is my body. What is thys to vs, but to take the Scripture of God, and to breake it to the people.
And howe came this hand in the margent, quoth hee, which is a contrary hand to both the other? That I wyll tell you, quoth Marbecke▪ When I wrote it out at the first, I made so much hast of it, that I vnderstoode not the matter: wherefore I was desirous to see it agayne, and to read it with more deliberation, and being sent to me the second tyme, it was thus coted in the margent as ye see. And shortly after this, it was his chaunce to go beyond the seas (where he liued not long) by reason whereof the Epistle remayneth with me: but whether the first leafe, or ye notes in the margent were▪ his hand, or whose hand els,1 that I cannot tell. Tush, quoth D. Oking to M. Knight, he knoweth well enough, that the notes be Heynes owne hande, If you know so much, quoth Marb. ye knowe more then I doe, for I tell you truely I knowe it not. By my faithe Marbecke, quoth Knyghte, if thou wylt not tell by fayre meanes: those fingers of thine shall be made to tell.2 By my trouth Syr, quoth Marbecke, if ye do teare the whole body in peeces (I trust in God) yee shall neuer make me accuse ⟨p. 1218⟩man wrongfully. If thou be so stubburne, quoth D. O king, thou wilt die for it. Dye M. Okyng, quoth hee? Wherfore should I die. You told me the last day before the Byshops, that assoone as I had made an ende of the peece of Concordance they tooke me, I shoulde be deliuered, and shall I nowe die? This is a sodaine mutation. You seemed then to be my frend: but I know the cause, ye haue red the ballet I made of Moses chayre, and that hath sette you agaynst mee, but when soeuer yee shall putte me to death, I doubt not to dye Gods true man and the kyngs. How so, quoth Knight? howe canst thou die a true manne vnto the kyng, when thou hast offended his lawes? Is not this Epistle, and moste of thy notes thou hast wrytten, directly against the 6. articles? No syr quoth Marbecke: I haue not offended the kyngs lawes therein: for since the first time I began wyth the Concordance (whych is almoste 6. yeares agoe) I haue bene occupied in nothing els:3 So that bothe this Epistle, and al the notes I haue gathered, were written a great while before the 6. Articles came foorth, and are clearely remitted by the kings generall pardon. Trust not to that, quoth Knight, for it wil not help thee. No I warrant hym, quoth Doct.
