A67926:699
Acts and monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperors, as now lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland. Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the help of Christ our Lord) John Fox, which desireth thee good reader to help him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
London: printed by John Daye, 1583London: printed by Iohn Daye, 1583
No title page in the transcription: set from the catalogue record.
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent unto Christ, that (as Melanchthon writeth) they which stood under his window, where he stood praying, might see his tears falling and dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the Pope should not prevail in his country: after his death (said he) let them pray who could.
And what should I speake of his praiers, which were so ardent vnto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stoode vnder his windowe, where he stood prayeng, might see his teares falling and dropping downe. Againe, with such power he prayed, that he (as himselfe confesseth) had obteined of the Lord, that so long as he liued, the Pope should not preuaile in his countrey: after his death (sayd he) let them pray who could.
1And as touching the marvellous works of the Lord, wrought here by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that which is declared of a young man about Wittenberg, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargain with the Devil, or a familiar (as they call him) to yield himself body and soul into the Devils power,2 upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money: So that upon the same, an obligation was made by the young man, written with his own blood, and given to the Devil. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now hear what followed. Upon the sudden wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin Luther, to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long denied to confess, and would be known of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther understanding the matter, and pitying the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himself ceased not with his prayers to labour, so that the Devil was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it again unto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certainly it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seem comparable with the greatest miracle in Christs Church, that was since the Apostles time.
1And as touching the maruelous workes of the Lorde, wrought heere by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that whiche is declared of a yong man aboute Wittenberge, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargaine with the Diuell, or a familiare (as they call him) to yeeld hymselfe body and soule into the Diuels power,2 vpon condition to haue his wish satisfied with money: So that vpon the same, an obligation was made by the yong man, written with his owne bloud, and geuen to the Diuell. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now heare what followed. Upon the sodeine wealth and alteration of this yong man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought vnto Martin Luther, to be examined. The yong man, whether for shame or feare, long denied to confesse, and woulde bee knowne of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Diuell, that he vttered vnto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther vnderstanding the matter, and pitiing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himselfe ceased not with hys praiers to labour, so that the Diuell was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it againe vnto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certeinely it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seeme comparable wyth the greatest miracle in Christes Church, that was since the Apostles time.
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard him, thought every one his own temptations severally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be: mine own manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof.1 For this thou must understand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender years, was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as Melanchthon in describing of his life, doth testify. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself: that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations, saving only one,2 which was, with covetousness. With this vice he was never (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who lived to the year of his age 63. He continued writing and preaching, about 29. years. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melanchthon be these.
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gaue him such a grace, that when hee preached, they which heard him, thought euery one hys owne temptations seuerally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was geuen vnto him by hys frends, and he demaunded how that could be: mine owne manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof.1 For this thou must vnderstand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender yeares, was much beaten and exercised with spirituall conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testifie. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholer and disciple of the sayd Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his maister thus reporte of himselfe: that he had bene assaulted and vexed with all kindes of temptations, sauing onely one,2 which was, with couetousnes. With this vice he was neuer (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hetherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who liued to the yeare of his age 63. He continued writing and preachyng, about 29. yeares. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.
In the year of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctor Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed malady, to wit, of the oppression of humours in the orifice or opening of his stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft diseased in this place.1 This sickness took him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye chamber, and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains increased. And as Doctor Jonah was lying in his chamber, Luther awaked, and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose his children's schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entered, Albert Earle of Mansfield,2 with his wife and divers other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal hour to approach, before nine of the clock in the morning, the xviij. of February, he commended himself to God, with this devour prayer.
In the yeare of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctour Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed maladie, to wyt, of the oppression of humours in the orifice or opening of his stomacke, whereof I remember I haue seene him oft diseasid in this place.1 This sickenes tooke him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye chamber, and there he rested on his bed two houres, all whych time his paynes encreased. And as Doctor Ionas was lieng in his chamber, Luther awaked, and praied him to rise, and to call vp Ambrose his childrens scholemaister, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entred, Albert Earle of Mansfield,2 with hys wife and diuers other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into hys chamber. Finally, feeling his fatall houre to approche, before nine of the clocke in ye morning, the xviij. of February, he cōmended himselfe to God, with this deuour praier.
MY heavenly father, eternal and merciful God, thou hast manifested unto me thy dear son, our Lord Jesus Christ. 1I have taught him, I have known him, I love him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee. After this, he said as ensueth, thrice.
MY heauenly father, eternall and mercifull God, thou hast manifested vnto me thy deare sonne, our Lorde Iesus Christ. 1I haue taught him, I haue knowne him, I loue him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whome the wicked haue persecuted, maligned, and with iniurie afflicted. Draw my soule to thee. After this, he sayd as ensueth, thryse.
I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loved the world, that he gave his only son, that all those that believe in him, should have life everlasting. John. iij▪
I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loued the world, that he gaue his only sonne, that all those that beleeue in him, shoulde haue life euerlasting. Iohn. iij▪
Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit, to enjoy, no doubt, the blessed society of the Patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost. Let us now love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let us learn to be modest and meek. Let us consider the wretched calamities, and marvellous changes that shall follow this mishap and doleful chance. I beseech thee, O son of God, crucified for us, and resuscitated Emanuel, govern, conserve and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.
Hauing repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, vnto whome so faithfully he commended his spirit, to enioy, no doubt, the blessed societie of the Patriarks, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdome of God the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost. Let vs now loue the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let vs learne to be modest and meeke. Let vs consider the wretched calamities, and marueilous chaunges that shall follow this mishap and dolefull chance. I beseech thee, O sonne of God, crucified for vs, and resuscitated Emanuell, gouerne, cōserue and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.
Fridericus Prince Elector died long before Luther, in the year of our Lord 1525. leaving no issue behind him,1 for that he lived a single life, and was never married: wherefore after him succeeded John Frederick, D. of Saxony.
Fridericus Prince Electour died long before Luther, in the yeare of our Lord 1525. leauing no issue behind him,1 for that he liued a single life, and was neuer maried: wherfore after him succeeded Iohn Fridericke, D. of Saxony.
Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Ministers of Strasburg, which because of their Marriage,1 were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appear before him, and thereto be judged without the precinct of the City of Strasburg: whereas there had been a contrary order taken before between the Bishop, and the City, that the Bishop should execute no judgement upon any, but under some of the Magistrates of the said City of Strasburg. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these married Ministers, in defence of their own right and liberties, wrote (as is said) to their Bishop of Strasburg, and caused the judgement thereof a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at length, before Cardinal Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clement to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.
Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Ministers of Strausburgh, which because of their Mariage,1 were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appeare before him, and thereto be iudged without the precinct of the Citie of Strausburgh: wheras there had bene a contrary order taken before betweene the Bishop, and the Citie, that the Bishop should execute no iudgement vpon any, but vnder some of the Magistrates of the said City of Strausburgh. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these maried Ministers, in defence of their owne right and liberties, wrote (as is sayd) to their Byshop of Strausburgh, and caused the iudgement thereof a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at lēgth, before Cardinall Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clemēt to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.
The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murnerus, a Franciscan Friar, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the Senate and City of Strasburg, before the foresaid Cardinal Campeius.1 Wherefore the Senate, to purge themselves, sent their Ambassadors, thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation: That they neither had been, nor would be any let to the Bishop, but had signified to him before by their letters, that whatsoever he could lay against those married Priests, consonant to the law of God, they would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him, to proceed in his action. But the Senate herein was not a little grieved, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken between him and them, did call the said Ministers out of the liberties of their City: For so it was between them agreed, that no Ecclesiastical person should ⟨p. 865⟩be adjudged, but under some judge of their own City. But now contrary to the said agreement, the Bishop called those Ministers out of their liberties,2 and so the Ministers claiming the right and privilege of the City, were condemned, their cause being neither heard nor known. And now if the Senate should show themselves any thing more sharp or rigorous unto those Ministers, in claiming the right of the City, the people; no doubt, would not take it well, but haply would rise up in some commotion against them, in the quarrel and defence of their franchises and liberties.
The chiefe doer in this matter was one Thomas Murnerus, a Franciscane Frier, who had commenced a greeuous complaint against the Senate and Citie of Strausburgh, before the foresayde Cardinall Campeius.1 Wherefore the Senate, to purge themselues, sent their Ambassadours, thus clearing their cause, and aunswering to theyr accusation: That they neither had bene, nor would be any let to the Byshop, but had signified to him before by theyr letters, that whatsoeuer he could lay against those maried Priests, consonant to the lawe of God, they woulde be no stay, but rather a furtherance vnto him, to proceede in hys action. But the Senate heerein was not a little greeued, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken betweene him and them, did call the sayde Ministers out of the liberties of their Citie: For so it was betweene them agreed, that no Ecclesiasticall person should
And where it is objected, that they receive Priests and men of the Clergy, into the freedom and protection of their City, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the City before: and moreover, that it was the Bishops own request & desire, made unto them so to do.
And where it is obiected, that they receaue Priests and men of the Clergy, into the fredome and protection of their Citie, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the auncient vsage and maner of the Citie before: and moreouer, that it was the Byshops owne request & desire, made vnto them so to do.
To this the Cardinal again advising well the letters of the Bishop,1 & the whole order of the matter, which was sent unto him, declared that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deed (as the Ambassadors said) were called out from the freedom, & liberties of the City, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no less power and authority, then if he were his own Vicar delegate, and therefore he desired them, that they would assist the Bishop in punishing the foresaid Ministers, &c.
To this the Cardinall againe aduising well the letters of the Bishop,1 & the whole order of the matter, which was sent vnto him, declared that he right wel vnderstood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deede (as the Ambassadours sayd) were called out from the freedome, & liberties of the Citie, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no lesse power and authoritie, then if he were his owne Uicare delegate, and therefore he desired them, that they woulde assist the Bishop in punishing the foresayd Ministers, &c.
After much other talk and reasoning on both parts, wherein the Ambassadors argued in defence of their freedom, that the judgement should not be transferred out of the City: among other communication, they inferred moreover and declared, how in the City of Strasburg were many, yea the most part of the Clergy, which lived viciously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses,1 to the great offence of the people, shame to Christs Church, and pernicious example of other: and yet the Bishop would never once stir to see any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Senate (said the Ambassadors) should permit the Bishop to extend his cruelty and extremity against these married Ministers, for not observing the Bishop of Rooms law, and leave the other notorious whoremasters, which brake the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but also among the commons of their City, ready to rise upon them.
After much other talke and reasoning on both partes, wherein the Ambassadours argued in defence of their freedome, that the iudgement should not be transferred out of the Citie: among other cōmunication, they inferred moreouer and declared, how in the Citie of Strausburgh were many, yea the most part of the Cleargy, which liued viciously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses,1 to the great offence of the people, shame to Christes Church, and pernitious example of other: and yet the Bishop would neuer once stirre to see any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Senate (said the Ambassadours) should permit the Bishop to extend his crueltie and extremitie against these married Ministers, for not obseruing the Bishop of Roomes law, and leaue the other notorious whoremaisters, whiche brake the law of God, to escape vnpunished, doubtles it would redound to their great danger and perill, not onely before God, but also among the commons of their Citie, readie to rise vpon them.
To this Campeius answered, what composition or bargain was betwixt the Bishop and them,1 he knew not: but surely the Act of the one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and confessing, and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from the communion of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of them, which keep harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done:2 yet doth it not excuse the enormity of their Marriage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the manner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to wink at Priests lemans, and the same also was evil done in deed: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an account for the same: but yet nevertheless it is not sufferable that Priests therefore should have wives. And if comparison should be made (said he) much greater offence it were, a Priest to have a wife, then to have and keep at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keep harlots (said he) as it is naught that they do,3 so do they acknowledge their sin: the other persuade themselves to do well, and so continue still without repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men (said he) can not be chaste, as John Baptist was: yet can it not be proved by any example, to be lawful for Priests professing chastity, to leave their single life, and to marry: no not the Greeks themselves, which in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own Priests to marry: wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the Bishop in this behalf.
To this Campeius aunswered, what composition or bargaine was betwixt the Bishop and thē,1 he knew not: but surely the Acte of the one was manifest, and needed no great triall in law of prouing and confessing, and therefore they were sequestred and abandoned from the communion of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sorte of them, which keepe harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done:2 yet doth it not excuse the enormitie of their Mariage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the maner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to winke at Priests lemans, and the same also was euil done in deede: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an accompt for the same: but yet neuerthelesse it is not sufferable that Priestes therefore shoulde haue wiues. And if comparison should be made (sayd he) much greater offence it were, a Priest to haue a wife, then to haue and keepe at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keepe harlots (sayd he) as it is naught that they do,
Whereunto the Ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, then might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinal was still instant upon them, that first they should assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop would not punish whoredom, he would come thither himself, and see them punished accordingly.
Whereunto the Ambassadours replyed againe, sayeng, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, then might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinall was still instaunt vpon them, that first they shoulde assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop woulde not punish whoredome, he woulde come thyther himselfe, and see them punished accordingly.
