A67927:5267
Acts and monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church. [vol. 2, part 2] with an universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperors, as now lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland. Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the help of Christ our Lord) John Fox, which desireth thee good reader to help him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 2] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
London: printed by John Daye, 1583London: printed by Iohn Daye, 1583
No title page in the transcription: set from the catalogue record.
Modern spelling is a reading aid: the words are the author’s, only the spelling is modernized. Original shows the page as printed, with the transcription marks.
Where intending to prove that the remembrance of the just man shall not perish, and that Bucer is blessed, & that the ungodly shall fret at the sight thereof, but yet that all their attempts shall be to no purpose, to the intent this saying may be verified: I will curse your blessings, and bless your cursings, he took his beginning of his own person, that albeit he were both ready and willing to take that matter in hand, partly for the worthiness of the matter it self, and especially for certain singular virtues, of those persons, for whom that Congregation was called, yet notwithstanding he said he was nothing meet to take that charge upon him.
Where intending to prooue that the remembraunce of the iust man shall not perishe, and that Bucer is blessed, & that the vngodly shall fret at the sight therof, but yet that all theyr attemptes shall bee to no purpose, to the entent this saying may be verifyed: I will cursse your blessinges, and blesse your curssinges, he tooke his beginning of hys owne person, that albeit he were both ready and willyng to take that matter in hande, partly for the worthinesse of the matter it selfe, and inespecially for certayne singuler vertues, of those persons, for whome that Congregation was called, yet notwithstanding he sayde he was nothing meet to take that charge vpon him.
For it were more reason that he which before had done Bucer wrong, should now make him amends for the displeasure. As for his own part, he was so far from working any evil against Bucer, either in word or deed that for their singular knowledge almost in all kind of learning, he embraced both him and Phagius with all his heart. But yet he somewhat more favoured Bucer, as with whom he had more familiarity and acquaintance. In consideration whereof, although that it was scarce convenient, that he at that time should speak, yet notwt standing he was contented for friendship and courtesy sake, not to fail them in this their business. Having made this Preface, he entered into the pith of the matter, wherein he blamed greatly the barbarous cruelty of the Court of Rome, so fiercely extended against the dead. He said it was a more heinous matter then was to be borne with, to have showed such extreme cruelness to them that were alive: but for any man to misbehave himself in such wise toward the dead, was such a thing as had not lightly been heard of. Saving that he affirmed this custom of excommunicating and cursing of dead folk, to have come first from Rome. For Evagrius reporteth in his writings, that Eutichius was of the same opinion, induced by the example of Josiah, who slew the Priests of Baal, and burnt up the bones of them that were dead, even upon the Altars. Whereas, before the time of Eutichius this kind of punishment was wellnigh unknown, neither afterward usurped of any man (that ever he heard of) until a nine hundred years after Christ. In the latter times (the which how much the further they were from that golden age of the Apostles, so much the more they were corrupted) this kind of cruelness began to creep further. For it is manifestly known, that Stephen the sixth Pope of Rome, digged up Formosus, his last Predecessor in that Sea, and spoiling him of his Popes apparel, buried him again in lay mans apparel (as the call it) having first cut off and thrown into Tiber his two fingers, with which, according to their accustomed manner, he was wont to bless and consecrate. The which his unspeakably tyranny used against Formosus, within six years after, Sergius the third increased also against the same Formosus.
For it were more reason that he which before had done Bucer wrong, should now make him amendes for the displeasure. As for his owne part, he was so farre from working any euill agaynst Bucer, eyther in worde or deede that for theyr singular knowledge almost in al kind of learning, he embraced both him and Phagius with all hys harte. But yet hee somewhat more fauoured Bucer, as with whom he had more familiarity and acquayntaunce. In consideration whereof, although that it was scarce conuenient, that he at that time should speake, yet notwt standing he was contented for frendshippe and curtesye sake, not to fayle them in this theyr businesse. Hauyng made this Preface, he entered into the pith of the matter, wherein he blamed greatly the barbarous crueltye of the Court of Rome, so fiercely extended agaynst the dead. He sayd it was a more heynous matter then was to be borne with, to haue shewed such extreme cruelnesse to them that were aliue: but for any manne to misbehaue himselfe in such wise towarde the deade, was such a thing as hadde not lightly bene heard of. Sauing that he affirmed this custome of excommunicating and curssing of deade folke, to haue come first from Rome. For Euagrius reporteth in his wrytinges, that Eutichius was of the same opinion, induced by the example of Iosias, who slew the Priestes of Baall, and burnt vppe the boanes of them that were deade, euen vppon the Aultars. Whereas, before the time of Eutichius this kinde of punishment was welneare vnknowne, neither afterwarde vsurped of any manne (that euer he heard of) vntill a nine hundreth yeares after Christ. In the latter times (the whiche howe muche the further they were from that golden age of the Apostles, so much the more they were corrupted) this kinde of cruelnesse beganne to creepe further. For it is manifestlye knowne, that Stephen the sixt Pope of Rome, digged vp Formosus, his last Predecssour in that Sea, and spoyling him of hys Popes apparell, buryed him agayne in lay mans apparell (as the call it) hauing first cut off and throwne into Tyber his two fingers, with which, according to theyr accustomed maner, he was woont to blesse and consecrate. The whiche his vnspeakeably tyrannye vsed against Formosus, within sixe yeares after, Sergius the third encreased also agaynst the same Formosus.
For taking up his dead body and setting it in a Popes chair, he caused his head to be smitten of, and his other three fingers to be cut from his hand, and his body to be cast into the river of Tiber, abrogating and disannulling all his decrees, which thing was never done by any man before that day. The cause why so great cruelty was exercised (by the report of Nauclerus) was this: because that Formosus had been an adversary to Stephen and Sergius when they sued to be made Bishops.
For taking vp his dead body and setting it in a Popes chayre, hee caused his heade to be smitten of, and his other three fingers to be cut from his hand, and his body to be cast into the ryuer of Tyber, abrogating and disanulling all his decrees, which thinge was neuer done by any man before that daye. The cause why so great crueltye was exercised (by the reporte of Nauclerus) was this: because that Formosus had beene an aduersarye to Stephen and Sergius when they sued to be made Bishops.
This kind of cruelty unheard of before, the Popes a while exercised one against an other. But now, or ever they had sufficiently felt the smart thereof themselves, they had turned the same upon our necks. Wherefore it was to be wished, that seeing it began among them it might have remained still with the Authors thereof, & not have been spread over thence unto us. But such was the nature of all evil, that it quickly passeth into example, for others to do the like. For about the year of our Lord 1400. John Wycliffe was in like manner digged up, and burnt into ashes, & thrown into a brook that runneth by the town where he was buried. Of the which self same sauce tasted also William Tracy of Gloucester, a man of a worshipful house, because he had written in his last will that he should be saved only by faith in Jesus Christ, and that there needed not the help of any man thereto, whether he were in heaven or in earth, and therefore bequeathed no legacy to that purpose as all other men were accustomed to do. This deed was done sithens we may remember, about the 22. year of the reign of Henry the 8. in the year of our Lord. 1530.
This kinde of crueltye vnharde of before, the Popes a while exercised one agaynst an other. But nowe, or euer they had sufficiently felte the smarte thereof themselues, they had turned the same vpon our neckes. Wherefore it was to be wished, that seeing it began among thē it might haue remayned still with the Authors thereof, & not haue bene spread ouer thence vnto vs. But such was the nature of all euill, that it quickely passeth into example, for others to do the like. For about the yeare of our Lord 1400. Iohn Wicklyfe was in lyke maner digged vp, and burnte into ashes, & throwen into a brooke that runneth by the towne where he was buryed. Of the which selfe same sauce tasted also William Tracye of Gloucester, a man of a worshipfull house, because he had written in his laste will that he shoulde be saued onely by fayth in Iesus Christe, and that there needed not the helpe of any manne thereto, whether he were in heauen or in earth, and therefore bequethed no legacye to that purpose as all other men were accustomed to doe. This deede was done sithens we may remember, aboute the 22. yeare of the raigne of Henry the 8. in the yeare of our Lord. 1530.
Now seeing they extended such cruelty to the dead, he said it was an easy matter to conjecture what they would do to the living. Whereof we had sufficient trial by the examples of our own men, these few years past. And if we would take the pains to peruse things done somewhat longer ago, we might find notable matters out of our own Chronicles. Howbeit, it was sufficient for the manifest demonstration of that matter, to declare the beastly butchery of the French King executed upon the Waldenses, at Cabryer, and the places near thereabout, by his captain Miner, about the year of our Lord. 1545. ⟨p. 1967⟩then the which there was never thing read of more cruelty done,1 no not even of the barbarous Pagans. And yet for all that when divers had showed their uttermost cruelty both against these and many others, they were so far from their purpose in extinguishing the light of the Gospel, which they endeavoured to suppress, that it increased daily more and more. The which thing Charles the 5. (then whom all christendom had not a more prudent Prince, nor the Church of Christ almost a sorer enemy) easily perceived, and therefore when he had in his hand Luther dead, and Melanchthon and Pomeran, with certain other Preachers of the Gospel alive, he not only determined not any thing extremely against them nor violated their graves, but also entreating them gently sent them away, not so much as once forbidding them to publish openly the doctrine that they professed. For it is the nature of Christs Church, that the more that Tyrants spurn against it, the more it increaseth and florisheth. A notable proof assuredly of the providence and pleasure of God in sowing the Gospel, was that coming of the Bohemians unto us, to the intent to hear Wycliffe, of whom we spake before, who at that time read openly at Oxford: and also the going of our men to the said Bohemians, when persecution was raised against us. But much more notable was it, that we had seen come to pass in these our days: that the Spaniards sent for into this Realm of purpose to suppress the Gospel, as soon as they were returned home, replenished many parts of their Country with the same trueth of Religion, to the which before they were utter enemies.
Now seeing they extended suche crueltye to the dead, he sayde it was an easye matter to coniecture what they would doe to the liuing. Whereof we had sufficient tryall by the examples of our owne men, these fewe yeares past. And if we woulde take the paynes to peruse thinges done somewhat lenger ago, we might find notable matters out of our owne Chronicles. Howbeit, it was sufficient for ye manifest demonstration of that matter, to declare the beastly butchery of the Frenche King executed vppon the Waldenses, at Cabryer, and the places nere thereabout, by his captayne Miner, aboute the yeare of our Lorde. 1545.
By the which examples it might evidently be perceived, that the Princes of this world labour in vain to overthrow it, considering how the mercy of GOD hath sown it abroad, not only in those Countries that we spake of, but also in France, Poole, Scotland, and almost all the rest of Europe. For it is said, that some parts of Italy, (although it be under the Popes nose) yet do they of late incline to the knowledge of the heavenly trueth: Wherefore sufficient argument and proof might be taken by the success and encreasement thereof, to make us believe that this doctrine is sent us from heaven, unless we will wilfully be blinded. And if there were any that desired to be persuaded more at large in the matter, he might advisedly consider the voyage that the Emperor and the Pope with both their powers together, made jointly against the Bohemians. In the which the Emperor took such an unworthy repulse of so small a handful of his enemies, that he never almost in all his life took the like dishonour in any place. Hereof also might be an especial example that death of Henry King of France, who the same day that he had purposed to persecute the Church of Christ, and to have burned certain of his Guard, whom he had in prison for Religion, at whose execution he had promised to have been himself in proper person, in the midst of his triumph at a tourney, was wounded so sore in the head with a Spear by one of his own Subjects, that ere it was long after he dyed. In the which behalf, the dreadful judgements of GOD were no less approved in our own Countrymen▪ For one that was a notable slaughterman of Christs Saints rotted alive,1 and ere ever he dyed, such a rank savour stemmed from all his body, that none of his friends were able to come at him, but that they were ready to vomit. Another being in utter despair well nigh of all health, howled out miserably. The third ran out of his wits. And divers other that were enemies to the Church perished miserably in the end. All the which things were most certain tokens of the favour and defence of the divine Majesty towards his Church, and of his wrath and vengeance towards the Tyrants. And for as much as he had made mention of the Bohemians, he said it was a most apt example that was reported of their Captain Zisca:
By the which examples it might euidently be perceiued, that the Princes of this world labour in vayne to ouerthrowe it, considering how the mercy of GOD hath sowne it abroad, not onely in those Countryes that wee spake of, but also in Fraunce, Poole, Scotland, and almoste all the rest of Europe. For it is sayd, that some partes of Italy, (although it be vnder the Popes nose) yet do they of late encline to the knowledge of the heauenly trueth: Wherefore sufficient argument and proofe mighte be taken by the successe and encreasement therof, to make vs beleue that this doctrine is sent vs from heauen, vnlesse we will wilfully be blinded. And if there were any that desired to be perswaded more at large in the matter, hee might aduisedlye consider the voyage that the Emperor and the Pope with both theyr powers together, made ioyntly agaynste the Bohemians. In the which the Emperour tooke suche an vnworthy repulse of so small a handfull of his enemyes, that he neuer almost in all his life tooke the like dishonour in any place. Hereof also might bee an especiall example that death of Henry Kyng of Fraunce, who the same day that he had purposed to persecute the Churche of Christe, and to haue burned certayne of his Garde, whome he had in prison for Religion, at whose execution he had promised to haue bene himselfe in proper person, in the middes of his tryumph at a tourney, was wounded so sore in the head with a Speare by one of his owne Subiectes, that ere it was long after he dyed. In the which behalfe, the dreadfull iudgementes of GOD were no lesse approued in our owne Countreymen For one that was a notable slaughterman of Christes Sayntes rotted aliue,
who when he should dye, willed his body to be slain, and of his skin to make a parchment to cover the head of a drum. For it should come to pass, that when his enemies heard the sound of it, they should not be able to stand against them. The like counsel (he said) he himself now gave them as concerning Bucer. That like as the Bohemians did with the skin of Zisca, the same should they do with the Arguments and doctrine of Bucer. For as soon as the Papists should hear the noise of him, their Gewgaws would forthwith decay. For saving that they used violence to such as withstood them, their doctrine contained nothing that might seem to any man (having but mean understanding in holy Scripture) to be grounded upon any reason. As for those things that were done by them against such as could not play the madmen as well as they some of them savoured of open force, and some of ridiculous foolishness. For what was this first of all? was it not frivolous, that by the space of three years together, Mass should be song in those places where Bucer and Phagius rested in the Lord without any offence at all? and as soon as they took it to be an offence, straight way to be an offence if any were heard there? or that it should not be as good then as it was before? as if that then upon the sudden it had been a heinous matter to celebrate it in that place, and that the fault that was past, should be counted the grevouser because it was done of longer time before. Moreover, this was a matter of none effect, that Bucer and Phagius only should be digged up as who should say,1 that he alonely had embraced the Religion which they call heresy. It was well known how one of the Burgesses of the Town had been minded toward the Popish Religion. Who when he should dye, willed neither ringing of Belles, Diriges, nor any other such kind of trifles to be done for him in his anniversary, as they term it, but rather that they should go with Instruments of Music before the Major and council of the City, to celebrate his memorial, and also that yearly a Sermon should be made to the people, bequeathing a piece of money to the Preacher for his labour. Neither might he omit in that place to speak of Ward the painter, who albeit he were a man of no reputation, yet was he not to be despised for the religion sake which he diligently followed.
who when hee should dye, willed his body to be slayne, and of his skin to make a parchment to couer the head of a drumme. For it should come to passe, that when his enemies hearde the sound of it, they should not be able to stand agaynste them. The like counsell (he sayd) he himselfe nowe gaue them as concerning Bucer. That like as the Bohemians dyd with the skinne of Zisca, the same should they doe with the Argumentes and doctrine of Bucer. For as soone as the Papistes shoulde heare the noyse of hym, theyr Gewgawes would forthwith decay. For sauing that they vsed violence to such as withstoode them, theyr doctrine conteyned nothing that might seeme to any man (hauing but meane vnderstanding in holy Scripture) to be grounded vpon any reason. As for those thinges that were done by them agaynst such as could not play the madmen as well as they some of them sauoured of open force, and some of ridiculous foolishnes. For what was this first of all? was it not friuolous, that by the space of three yeares together, Masse shoulde be songe in those places where Bucer and Phagius rested in the Lord without any offence at al? and assoone as they tooke it to be an offence, straight waye to be an offence if any were heard there? or that it should not be as good then as it was before? as if that then vppon the soddeyne it had bene a haynous matter to celebrate it in that place, and that the fault that was past, should be counted the greuouser because it was done of lenger time before. Moreuer, this was a matter of none effect, that Bucer and Phagius onely should be digged vppe as who shoulde say,
Neither were divers other moe to be passed over with silence, who were known of a certainty to have continued in the same sect, and to rest in other Churchyards in Cambridge, and rather through the whole realm, and yet defiled not their Masses at all. All the which persons (for as much as they were all of one opinion) ought all to have been taken up, or else all to have been let lye with the same Religion: unless a man would grant, that it lieth in their power to make what they list lawful and unlawful at their own pleasure. In the condemnation of Bucer and Phagius (to say the trueth) they used to much cruelty, and to much violence. For howsoever it went with the doctrine of Bucer, certainly they could find nothing whereof to accuse Phagius, in as much as he wrote nothing that came abroad saving a few things that he had translated out of the Hebrew and Chaldee tongues, into Latin. After his coming into the Realm, he never read, he never disputed, he never preached, he never taught. For he deceased so soon after, that he could in that time give no occasion for his adversaries to take hold on, whereby to accuse him whom they never heard speak. In that they hated Bucer so deadly, for the allowable marriage of the Clergy, it was their own malice conceived against him, and a very slander raised by themselves. For he had for his defence in that matter, (over and besides other helps) the Testimony of the Pope Pius the second, who in a certain place saith that upon weighty considerations Priests wives were taken from them, but for more weighty causes were to be restored again. And also the statute of the Emperor, they call it the Interim, by the which it is enacted that such of the clergy as were married should not be divorced from their wives.
Neyther were diuers other moe to be passed ouer with silence, who were knowne of a certaynety to haue continued in the same sect, and to rest in other Churchyardes in Cambridge, and rather through the whole realme, and yet defiled not theyr Masses at all. All the which persons (for as much as they were all of one opinion) ought all to haue bene taken vppe, or els all to haue bene let lye with the same Religion: vnlesse a man would graūt, that it lyeth in theyr power to make what they list lawfull and vnlawfull at theyr owne pleasure. In the condemnation of Bucer and Phagius (to saye the trueth) they vsed to much cruelty, and to muche violence. For howsoeuer it went with the doctrine of Bucer, certaynely they coulde finde nothing wherof to accuse Phagius, in as much as he wrote nothing that came abroad sauing a few things that he had translated out of the Hebrew and Chaldy tounges, into Latine. After his comming into the Realme, he neuer read, he neuer disputed, he neuer preached, he neuer taught. For he deceased so soone after, that he coulde in that time geue no occasion for his aduersaries to take hold on, whereby to accuse him whome they neuer hearde speake. In that they hated Bucer so deadly, for the allowable maryage of the Cleargy, it was theyr owne malice conceiued agaynste him, and a verye slaunder raysed by themselues. For he had for his defence in that matter, (ouer and besides other helpes) the Testimony of the Pope Pius the second, who in a certayne place sayth that vppon waighty considerations Priestes wiues were taken from them, but for more weighty causes were to be restored agayne. And also the statute of the Emperour, they call it the Interim, by the which it is enacted that such of the cleargye as were maryed shoulde not bee diuorced from theyr wiues.
Thus turning his stile from this matter to the University, he reproved in few words their unfaithfulness towards these men. For if the Lord suffered not the bones of the King of Edom, being a wicked man, to be taken up and burnt without revengement (as saith Amos) let us assure our selves he will not suffer so notable a wrong done to his godly Preachers, unrevenged. Afterward, when he came to the condemnation (which we told you in the former action was pronounced by Perne the Uicechauncellour, in the name of them all) being somewhat more moved at the matter, he admonished them how much it stood them in hand, to use great circumspectness, what they decreed upon any man by their voices, in admitting or rejecting any man to the promotions and degrees of the University. For that which should take his authority from them, should be a great prejudice to all the other multitude, which (for the opinion that it had of their doctrine, judgement, allowance, and knowledge) did think nothing but well of them. For it would come to pass, that if they would bestow their promotions upon none but meet persons, & let the unmeet go as they come, both the common wealth should receive much commodity and profit by them, and besides that they should highly please God. But if they persisted to be negligent in doing thereof, they should grievously endamage the common weal, and worthily work their own shame and reproach. Over and besides that the should greatly offend the majesty of God, whose commandment (not to bear false witness) they should in so doing break and violate. ⟨p. 1968⟩In the mean while that he was speaking these and many other things before his audience,1 many of the university, to set out and defend Bucer withal, beset the walls of the Church and Church porch on both sides with verses, some in Latin, some in Greek, and some in English, in the which they made a manifest declaration how they were minded both toward Bucer and Phagius. Finally, when his Sermon was ended, they made common Supplication and prayers. After thanks rendered to God for many other things, but in especially for restoring of the true and sincere religion, every man departed his way.
Thus turning his stile from this matter to the Uniuersity, he reprooued in fewe wordes theyr vnfaythfulnes towardes these men. For if the Lord suffered not the bones of the King of Edome, being a wicked man, to bee taken vppe and burnt without reuengement (as sayth Amos) let vs assure our selues he will not suffer so notable a wrong done to his godly Preachers, vnreuenged. Afterward, when he came to the condemnation (whiche we tolde you in the former action was pronounced by Perne the Uicechauncellour, in the name of them all) being somewhat more moued at the matter, he admonished thē how much it stoode them in hand, to vse great circumspectnes, what they decreed vpon any man by theyr voyces, in admitting or reiecting any man to the promotions and degrees of the Uniuersity. For that which should take hys authority from them, should be a great preiudice to all the other multitude, which (for the opinion that it had of theyr doctrine, iudgement, allowance, and knowledge) didde thinke nothing but well of them. For it would come to passe, that if they would bestow theyr promotions vpon none but meet persons, & let the vnmeet go as they come, both the common wealth should receiue much commodity and profite by them, and besides that they should highly please God. But if they persisted to be negligent in doing thereof, they should grieuously endommage the common weale, and worthely worke theyr owne shame and reproch. Ouer and besides that the should greatly offend the maiesty of God, whose commaundement (not to beare false witnesse) they should in so doing breake and violate.
For as much as mention hath been made of the death of the worthy and famous Clerk, Martin Bucer, & of the burning of his bones after his death, it shall not be unfruitful, as the place here serveth, to induce the testimony or Epitaph of Doctor Redman which came not yet in print, upon the decease of that man.
For as muche as mention hath beene made of the death of the worthy and famous Clerke, Martin Bucer, & of the burning of his boanes after his death, it shall not be vnfruitful, as the place here serueth, to induce the testimony or Epitaph of Doctor Redman which came not yet in print, vpon the decease of that man.
ET tu livor edax procul hinc abscede maligna,
ET tu liuor edax procul hinc abscede maligna,
facessito inuidentia,
Et procul hinc nemesis, procul hinc & Momus abesto,
labes luesque mentium,
Daemonibus similes homines quae redditis, almam
